MEN OF INVENTION AND INDUSTRY.
CHAPTER I.
PHINEAS PETT:
BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH SHIP-BUILDING.
"A speck in the Northern Ocean, with a rocky coast,
an ungenial climate, and a soil scarcely fruitful,—this was the
material patrimony which descended to the English race—an
inheritance that would have been little worth but for the
inestimable moral gift that accompanied it. Yes; from Celts,
Saxons, Danes, Normans—from some or all of them—have come down with
English nationality a talisman that could command sunshine, and
plenty, and empire, and fame. The 'go' which they transmitted
to us—the national vis—this it is which made the old
Angle-land a glorious heritage. Of this we have had a
portion above our brethren—good measure, running over. Through
this our island-mother has stretched out her arms till they
enriched the globe of the earth. . . . Britain, without her energy
and enterprise, what would she be in Europe?"— Blackwood's
Edinburgh Magazine (1870).
IN one of the few
records of Sir Isaac Newton's life which he left for the benefit of
others, the following comprehensive thought occurs:
"It is certainly apparent that the inhabitants of this world
are of a short date, seeing that all arts, as letters, ships,
printing, the needle, &c., were discovered within the memory of
history."
If this were true in Newton's time, how much truer is it now.
Most of the inventions which are so greatly influencing, as well as
advancing, the civilization of the world at the present time, have
been discovered within the last hundred or hundred and fifty years.
We do not say that man has become so much wiser during that
period; for, though he has grown in Knowledge, the most fruitful of
all things were said by "the heirs of all the ages" thousands of
years ago.
But as regards Physical Science, the progress made during the
last hundred years has been very great. Its most recent
triumphs have been in connection with the discovery of electric
power and electric light. Perhaps the most important
invention, however, was that of the working steam engine, made by
Watt only about a hundred years ago. The most recent
application of this form of energy has been in the propulsion of
ships, which has already produced so great an effect upon commerce,
navigation, and the spread of population over the world.
Equally important has been the influence of the Railway—now
the principal means of communication in all civilized countries.
This invention has started into full life within our own time.
The locomotive engine had for some years been employed in the
haulage of coals; but it was not until the opening of the Liverpool
and Manchester Railway in 1830 that the importance of the invention
came to be acknowledged. The locomotive railway has since been
everywhere adopted throughout Europe. In America, Canada, and
the Colonies, it has opened up the boundless resources of the soil,
bringing the country nearer to the towns, and the towns to the
country. It has enhanced the celerity of time, and imparted a
new series of conditions to every rank of life.
The importance of steam navigation has been still more
recently ascertained. When it was first proposed, Sir Joseph
Banks, President of the Royal Society, said: "It is a pretty plan,
but there is just one point overlooked: that the steam-engine
requires a firm basis on which to work." Symington, the
practical mechanic, put this theory to the test by his successful
experiments, first on Dalswinton Lake, and then on the Forth and
Clyde Canal. Fulton and Bell afterwards showed the power of
steamboats in navigating the rivers of America and Britain.
S.S. Sirius.
Picture Wikipedia.
After various experiments, it was proposed to unite England
and America by steam. Dr. Lardner, however, delivered a
lecture before the Royal Institution, in 1838, "proving" that
steamers could never cross the Atlantic, because they could not
carry sufficient coal to raise steam enough during the voyage.
But this theory was also tested by experience in the same year, when
the Sirius, of London, left Cork for New York, and made the
passage in nineteen days. Four days after the departure of the
Sirius, the Great Western left Bristol for New York,
and made the passage in thirteen days five hours. [p.3]
The problem was solved; and great ocean steamers have ever since
passed in continuous streams between the shores of England and
America.
In an age of progress, one invention merely paves the way for
another. The first steamers were impelled by means of paddle
wheels; but these are now almost entirely superseded by the screw.
And this, too, is an invention almost of yesterday. It was
only in 1840 that the Archimedes was fitted as a screw yacht.
A few years later, in 1845, the Great Britain, propelled by
the screw, left Liverpool for New York, and made the voyage in
fourteen days. The screw is now invariably adopted in all long
ocean voyages.
It is curious to look back, and observe the small beginnings
of maritime navigation. As regards this country, though its
institutions are old, modern England is still young. As
respects its mechanical and scientific achievements, it is the
youngest of all countries. Watt's steam engine was the
beginning of our manufacturing supremacy; and since its adoption,
inventions and discoveries in Art and Science, within the last
hundred years, have succeeded each other with extraordinary
rapidity. In 1814 there was only one steam vessel in Scotland;
while England possessed none at all. Now, the British
mercantile steam-ships number about 5,000, with about 4 millions of
aggregate tonnage. [p.4]
In olden times this country possessed the materials for great
things, as well as the men fitted to develop them into great
results. But the nation was slow to awake and take advantage
of its opportunities. There was no enterprise, no commerce—no
"go" in the people. The roads were frightfully bad; and there
was little communication between one part of the country and
another. If anything important had to be done, we used to send
for foreigners to come and teach us how to do it. We sent for
them to drain our fens, to build our piers and harbours, and even to
pump our water at London Bridge. Though a seafaring population
lived round our coasts, we did not fish our own seas, but left it to
the industrious Dutchmen to catch the fish, and supply our markets.
It was not until the year 1787 that the Yarmouth people began the
deep-sea herring fishery; and yet these were the most enterprising
amongst the English fishermen.
English commerce also had very slender beginnings. At the
commencement of the fifteenth century, England was of very little
account in the affairs of Europe. Indeed, the history of
modern England is nearly coincident with the accession of the Tudors
to the throne. With the exception of Calais and Dunkirk, her
dominions on the Continent had been wrested from her by the French.
The country at home had been made desolate by the Wars of the Roses.
The population was very small, and had been kept down by war,
pestilence, and famine. [p.5]
The chief staple was wool, which was exported to Flanders in foreign
ships, there to be manufactured into cloth. Nearly every
article of importance was brought from abroad; and the little
commerce which existed was in the hands of foreigners. The
seas were swept by privateers, little better than pirates, who
plundered without scruple every vessel, whether friend or foe, which
fell in their way.
The British navy has risen from very low beginnings.
The English fleet had fallen from its high estate since the reign of
Edward III., who won a battle from the French and Flemings in 1340,
with 260 ships; but his vessels were all of moderate size, being
boats, yachts, and caravels, of very small tonnage. According
to the contemporary chronicles, Weymouth, Fowey, Sandwich, and
Bristol, were then of nearly almost as much importance as London; [p.6-1]
which latter city only furnished twenty-five vessels, with 662
mariners.
The Royal Fleet began in the reign of Henry VII. Only
six or seven vessels then belonged to the King, the largest being
the Grace de Dieu, of comparatively small tonnage. The
custom then was, to hire ships from the Venetians, the Genoese, the
Hanse towns, and other trading people; and as soon as the service
for which the vessels so hired was performed, they were dismissed.
When Henry VIII. ascended the throne in 1509, he directed his
attention to the state of the navy. Although the insular
position of England was calculated to stimulate the art of
shipbuilding more than in most continental countries, our best ships
long continued to be built by foreigners. Henry invited from
abroad, especially from Italy, where the art of shipbuilding had
made the greatest progress, as many skilful artists and workmen as
he could procure, either by the hope of gain, or the high honours
and distinguished countenance which he paid them. "By
incorporating" says Charnock, "these useful persons among his own
subjects, he soon formed a corps sufficient to rival those states
which had rendered themselves most distinguished by their knowledge
in this art; so that the fame of Genoa and Venice, which had long
excited the envy of the greater part of Europe, became suddenly
transferred to the shores of Britain." [p.6-2]
In fitting out his fleet, we find Henry disbursing large sums
to foreigners for shipbuilding, for "harness" or armour, and for
munitions of all sorts. The State Papers [p.7]
particularize the amounts paid to Lewez do la Fava for "harness;" to
William Gurre, "bragandy-maker;" to Leonard Friscobald for "almayn
ryvetts." Francis de Errona, a Spaniard, supplied the
gunpowder. Among the foreign mechanics and artizans employed
were Hans Popenruyter, gunfounder of Mechlin; Robert Sakfeld, Robert
Skorer, Fortune, de Catalenago, and John Cavelcant. On one
occasion £2,797 19s. 4½d. was disbursed for guns and grindstones.
This sum must be multiplied by about four, to give the proper
present value. Popenruyter seems to have been the great
gunfounder of the age; he supplied the principal guns and gun stores
for the English navy, and his name occurs in every Ordnance account
of the series, generally for sums of the largest amounts.
Henry VIII. was the first to establish Royal dock-yards,
first at Woolwich, then at Portsmouth, and thirdly at Deptford, for
the erection and repair of ships. Before then, England had
been principally dependent upon Dutchmen and Venetians, both for
ships of war and merchantmen. The sovereign had neither naval
arsenals nor dockyards, nor any regular establishment of civil or
naval affairs to provide ships of war. Sir Edward Howard, Lord
High Admiral of England, at the accession of Henry VIII., actually
entered into a "contract" with that monarch to fight his enemies.
This singular document is still preserved in the State Paper office.
Even after the establishment of royal dockyards, the sovereign—as
late as the reign of Elizabeth—entered into formal contracts with
shipwrights for the repair and maintenance of ships, as well as for
additions to the fleet.
The King, having made his first effort at establishing a
royal navy, sent the fleet to sea against the ships of France.
The Regent was the ship royal, with Sir Thomas Knivet, Master
of the Horse, and Sir John Crew of Devonshire, as Captains.
The fleet amounted to twenty-five well furnished ships. The
French fleet were thirty-nine in number. They met in Brittany
Bay, and had a fierce fight. The Regent grappled with a
great carack of Brest; the French, on the English boarding their
ship, set fire to the gunpowder, and both ships were blown up, with
all their men. The French fleet fled, and the English kept the
seas. The King, hearing of the loss of the Regent,
caused a great ship to be built, the like of which had never before
been seen in England, and called it Harry Grace de Dieu.
This ship was constructed by foreign artizans, principally by
Italians, and was launched in 1515. She was said to be of a
thousand tons portage—the largest ship in England. The vessel
was four-masted, with two round tops on each mast, except the
shortest wizen. She had a high forecastle and poop, from which
the crew could shoot down upon the deck or waist of another vessel.
The object was to have a sort of castle at each end of the ship.
This style of shipbuilding was doubtless borrowed from the
Venetians, then the greatest naval power in Europe. The length
of the masts, the height of the ship above the water's edge, and the
ornaments and decorations, were better adapted for the stillness of
the Adriatic and Mediterranean Seas, than for the boisterous ocean
of the northern parts of Europe. [p.9-1]
The story long prevailed that "the Great Harry swept a dozen flocks
of sheep off the Isle of Man with her bob-stay." An American
gentleman (N. B. Anderson, LL.D., Boston) informed the present
author that this saying is still proverbial amongst the United
States sailors.
The same features were reproduced in merchant ships.
Most of them were suited for defence, to prevent the attacks of
pirates, which swarmed the seas round the coast at that time.
Shipbuilding by the natives in private shipyards was in a miserable
condition. Mr. Willet, in his memoir relative to the navy,
observes: "It is said, and I believe with truth, that at this time
(the middle of the sixteenth century) there was not a private
builder between London Bridge and Gravesend, who could lay down a
ship in the mould left from a Navy Board's draught, without applying
to a tinker who lived in Knave's Acre." [p.9-2]
Mary Rose.
Picture Wikipedia.
Another ship of some note built at the instance of Henry
VIII. was the Mary Rose, of the portage of 500 tons. We
find her in the "pond at Deptford" in 1515. Seven years later,
in the thirtieth year of Henry VIII.'s reign, she was sent to sea,
with five other English ships of war, to protect such commerce as
then existed from the depredations of the French and Scotch pirates.
The Mary Rose was sent many years later (in 1544) with the
English fleet to the coast of France, but returned with the rest of
the fleet to Portsmouth without entering into any engagement.
While laid at anchor, not far from the place where the Royal
George afterwards went down, and the ship was under repair, her
gun-ports being very low when she was laid over, "the shipp turned,
the water entered, and sodainly she sanke."
What was to be done? There were no English engineers or
workmen who could raise the ship. Accordingly, Henry VIII.
sent to Venice for assistance, and when the men arrived, Pietro de
Andreas was dispatched with the Venetian marines and carpenters to
raise the Mary Rose. Sixty English mariners were
appointed to attend upon them. The Venetians were then the
skilled "heads," the English were only the "hands."
Nevertheless they failed with all their efforts; and it was not
until the year 1836 that Mr. Dean, the engineer, succeeded in
raising not only the Royal George, but the Mary Rose,
and cleared the roadstead at Portsmouth of the remains of the sunken
ships.
When Elizabeth ascended the throne in 1558, the commerce and
navigation of England were still of very small amount. The
population of the kingdom amounted to only about five millions—not
much more than the population of London is now. The country
had little commerce, and what it had was still mostly in the hands
of foreigners. The Hanse towns had their large entrepôt
for merchandise in Cannon Street, on the site of the present Cannon
Street Station. The wool was still sent abroad to Flanders to
be fashioned into cloth, and even garden produce was principally
imported from Holland. Dutch, Germans, Flemings, French, and
Venetians continued to be our principal workmen. Our iron was
mostly obtained from Spain and Germany. The best arms and
armour came from France and Italy. Linen was imported from
Flanders and Holland, though the best came from Rheims. Even
the coarsest dowlas, or sailcloth, was imported from the Low
Countries.
The royal ships continued to be of very small burthen, and
the mercantile ships were still smaller. The Queen, however,
did what she could to improve the number and burthen of our ships.
"Foreigners," says Camden, "stiled her the restorer of naval glory
and Queen of the Northern Seas." In imitation of the Queen,
opulent subjects built ships of force; and in course of time England
no longer depended upon Hamburg, Dantzic, Genoa, and Venice, for her
fleet in time of war.
Spain was then the most potent power in Europe, and the
Netherlands, which formed part of the dominions of Spain, was the
centre of commercial prosperity. Holland possessed above 800
good ships, of from 200 to 700 tons burthen, and above 600 busses
for fishing, of from 100 to 200 tons. Amsterdam and Antwerp
were in the heyday of their prosperity. Sometimes 500 great ships
were to be seen lying together before Amsterdam; [p.11]
whereas England at that time had not four merchant ships of 400 tons
each! Antwerp, however, was the most important city in the Low
Countries. It was no uncommon thing to see as many as 2,500
ships in the Scheldt, laden with merchandize. Sometimes 500
ships would come and go from Antwerp in one day, bound to or
returning from the distant parts of the world. The place was
immensely rich, and was frequented by Spaniards, Germans, Danes,
English, Italians, and Portuguese—the Spaniards being the most
numerous. Camden, in his history of Queen Elizabeth, relates
that our general trade with the Netherlands in 1564 amounted to
twelve millions of ducats, five millions of which was for English
cloth alone.
The religious persecutions of Philip II. of Spain and of
Charles IX. of France shortly supplied England with the population
of which she stood in need—active, industrious, intelligent
artizans. Philip set up the Inquisition in Flanders, and in a
few years more than 50,000 persons were deliberately murdered.
The Duchess of Parma, writing to Philip II. in 1567, informed him
that in a few days above 100,000 men had already left the country
with their money and goods, and that more were following every day.
They fled to Germany, to Holland, and above all to England, which
they hailed as Asylum Christi. The emigrants settled in
the decayed cities and towns of Canterbury, Norwich, Sandwich,
Colchester, Maidstone, Southampton, and many other places, where
they carried on their manufactures of woollen, linen, and silk, and
established many new branches of industry. [p.12]
Five years later, in 1572, the Massacre of St. Bartholomew
took place in France, during which the Roman Catholic Bishop
Péréfixe alleges that 100,000 persons were put to death because of
their religious opinions. All this persecution, carried on so
near the English shores, rapidly increased the number of foreign
fugitives into England, which was followed by the rapid advancement
of the industrial arts in this Country.
The asylum which Queen Elizabeth gave to the persecuted
foreigners brought down upon her the hatred of Philip II. and
Charles IX. When they found that they could not prevent her
furnishing them with an asylum, they proceeded to compass her death.
She was excommunicated by the Pope, and Vitelli was hired to
assassinate her. Philip also proceeded to prepare the Sacred
Armada for the subjugation of the English nation, and he was master
of the most powerful army and navy in the world.
Modern England was then in the throes of her birth. She
had not yet reached the vigour of her youth, though she was full of
life and energy. She was about to become the England of free
thought, commerce, and manufactures; to plough the ocean with her
navies, and to plant her colonies over the earth. Up to the
accession of Elizabeth, she had done little, but now she was about
to do much. It was a period of sudden emancipation of thought,
and of immense fertility and originality. The poets and prose
writers of the time united the freshness of youth with the vigour of
manhood. Among these were Spenser, Shakespeare, Sir Philip
Sidney, the Fletchers, Marlowe, and Ben Jonson. Among the
statesmen of Elizabeth were Burleigh, Leicester, Walsingham, Howard,
and Sir Nicholas Bacon. But perhaps greatest of all were the
sailors, who, as Clarendon said, "were a nation by themselves;" and
their leaders—Drake, Frobisher, Cavendish, Hawkins, Howard, Raleigh,
Davis, and many more distinguished seamen.
They were the representative men of their time, the creation
in a great measure of the national spirit. They were the
offspring of long generations of seamen and lovers of the sea.
They could not have been great but for the nation which gave them
birth, and imbued them with their worth and spirit. The great
sailors, for instance, could not have originated in a nation of mere
landsmen. They simply took the lead in a country whose coasts
were fringed with sailors. Their greatness was but the result
of an excellence in seamanship which prevailed widely around them.
The age of English maritime adventure only began in the reign
of Elizabeth. England had then no colonies—no foreign
possessions whatever. The first of her extensive colonial
possessions was established in this reign. "Ships, colonies,
and commerce" began to be the national motto—not that colonies make
ships and commerce, but that ships and commerce make colonies.
Yet what cockle-shells of ships our pioneer navigators first sailed
in!
Although John Cabot or Gabota, of Bristol, originally a
citizen of Venice, had discovered the continent of North America in
1496, in the reign of Henry VII., he made no settlement there, but
returned to Bristol with his four small ships. Columbus did
not see the continent of America until two years later, in 1498, his
first discoveries being the islands of the West Indies.
It was not until the year 1553 that an attempt was made to
discover a North-west passage to Cathaya or China. Sir Hugh
Willoughby was put in command of the expedition, which consisted of
three ships,—the Bona Esperanza, the Bona Ventura
(Captain Chancellor), and the Bona Confulentia (Captain
Durforth),—most probably ships built by Venetians. Sir Hugh
reached 72 degrees of north latitude, and was compelled by the
buffeting of the winds to take refuge with Captain Durforth's vessel
at Arcing Keca, in Russian Lapland, where the two captains and the
crews of these ships, seventy in number, were frozen to death.
In the following year some Russian fishermen found Sir John
Willoughby sitting dead in his cabin, with his diary and other
papers beside him.
Captain Chancellor was more fortunate. He reached
Archangel in the White Sea, where no ship had ever been seen before.
He pointed out to the English the way to the whale fishery at
Spitzbergen, and opened up a trade with the northern parts of
Russia. Two years later, in 1556, Stephen Burroughs sailed
with one small ship, which entered the Kara Sea; but he was
compelled by frost and ice to return to England. The strait
which he entered is still called "Burrough Strait."
It was not, however, until the reign of Elizabeth that great
maritime adventures began to be made. Navigators were not so
venturous as they afterwards became. Without proper methods of
navigation, they were apt to be carried away to the south, across an
ocean without limit. In 1565 a young captain, Martin
Frobisher, came into notice. At the age of twenty-five he
captured in the South Seas the Flying Spirit, a Spanish ship
laden with a rich cargo of cochineal. Four years later, in
1569, he made his first attempt to discover the north-west passage
to the Indies, being assisted by Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick.
The ships of Frobisher were three in number, the Gabriel, of
from 15 to 20 tons; the Michael, of from 20 to 25 tons, or
half the size of a modern fishing boat; and a pinnace, of from 7 to
10 tons! The aggregate of the crews of the three ships was
only thirty-five, men and boys. Think of the daring of these
early navigators in attempting to pass by the North Pole to Cathay
through snow, and storm, and ice, in such miserable little
cockboats! The pinnace was lost; the Michael, under
Owen Griffith, a Welshman, deserted; and Martin Frobisher in the
Gabriel went alone into the north-western sea!
He entered the great bay, since called Hudson's Bay, by
Frobisher's Strait. He returned to England without making the
discovery of the Passage, which with long remained the problem of
arctic voyagers. Yet ten long years later, in 1577, he made
another voyage, and though he made his second attempt with one of
Queen Elizabeth's own ships, and two barks, with 140 persons in all,
he was as unsuccessful as before. He brought home some
supposed gold ore; and on the strength of the stones containing
gold, a third expedition went out in the following year. After
losing one of the ships, consuming the provisions, and suffering
greatly from ice and storms, the fleet returned home one by one.
The supposed gold ore proved to be only glittering sand.
Francis Drake (1540-96): statue at Plymouth.
Photograph: Wikipedia.
While Frobisher was seeking El-Dorado in the North, Francis
Drake was finding it in the South. He was a sailor, every inch
of him. "Pains, with patience in his youth," says Fuller,
"knit the joints of his soul, and made them more solid and compact."
At an early age, when carrying on a coasting trade, his imagination
was inflamed by the exploits of his protector Hawkins in the New
World, and he joined him in his last unfortunate adventure on the
Spanish Main. He was not, however, discouraged by his first
misfortune, but having assembled about him a number of seamen who
believed in him, he made other adventures to the West Indies, and
learnt the navigation of that part of the ocean. In 1570, he
obtained a regular commission from Queen Elizabeth, though he sailed
his own ships, and made his own ventures. Every Englishman,
who had the means, was at liberty to fit out his own ships; and with
tolerable vouchers, he was able to procure a commission from the
Court, and proceed to sea at his own risk and cost. Thus, the
naval enterprise and pioneering of new countries under Elizabeth,
was almost altogether a matter of private enterprise and adventure.
In 1572, the butchery of the Huguenots took place at Paris
and throughout France; while at the same time the murderous power of
Philip II. reigned supreme in the Netherlands. The sailors
knew what they had to expect from the Spanish king in the event of
his obtaining his threatened revenge upon England; and under their
chosen chiefs they proceeded to make war upon him. In the year
of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, Drake set sail for the Spanish
Main in the Pasha, of seventy tons, accompanied by the
Swan, of twenty-five tons; the united crews of the vessels
amounting to seventy-three men and boys. With this
insignificant force, Drake made great havoc amongst the Spanish
shipping at Nombre de Dios. He partially crossed the Isthmus
of Darien, and obtained his first sight of the great Pacific Ocean.
He returned to England in August 1573, with his frail barks crammed
with treasure.
A few years later, in 1577, he made his ever-memorable
expedition. Charnock says it was "an attempt in its nature so
bold and unprecedented, that we should scarcely know whether to
applaud it as a brave, or condemn it as a rash one, but for its
success." The squadron with which he sailed for South America
consisted of five vessels, the largest of which, the Pelican,
was only of 100 tons burthen; the next, the Elizabeth, was of
80; the third, the Swan, a fly-boat, was of 50; the
Marygold bark, of 30; and the Christopher, a pinnace, of
15 tons. The united crews of these vessels amounted to only
164, gentlemen and sailors.
The gentlemen went with Drake "to learn the art of
navigation." After various adventures along the South American
coast, the little fleet passed through the Straits of Magellan, and
entered the Pacific Ocean. Drake took an immense amount of booty
from the Spanish towns along the coast, and captured the royal
galleon, the Cacafuego, laden with treasure. After
trying in vain to discover a passage home by the North-eastern
ocean, though what is now known as Behring Straits, he took shelter
in Port San Francisco, which he took possession of in the name of
the Queen of England, and called New Albion. He eventually
crossed the Pacific for the Moluccas and Java, from which he sailed
right across the Indian Ocean, and by the Cape of Good Hope to
England, thus making the circumnavigation of the world. He was
absent with his little fleet for about two years and ten months.
Not less extraordinary was the voyage of Captain Cavendish,
who made the circumnavigation of the globe at his own expense.
He set out from Plymouth in three small vessels on the 21st July,
1586. One vessel was of 120 tons, the second of 60 tons, and
the third of 40 tons—not much bigger than a Thames yacht. The
united crews, of officers, men, and boys, did not exceed 123!
Cavendish sailed along the South American continent, and made
through the Straits of Magellan, reaching the Pacific Ocean.
He burnt and plundered the Spanish settlements along the coast,
captured some Spanish ships, and took by boarding the galleon St.
Anna, with 122,000 Spanish dollars on board. He then
sailed across the Pacific to the Ladrone Islands, and returned home
through the Straits of Java and the Indian Archipelago by the Cape
of Good Hope, and reached England after an absence of two years and
a month.
The sacred and invincible Armada was now ready. Phillip II.
was determined to put down those English adventurers who had swept
the coasts of Spain and plundered his galleons on the high seas.
The English sailors knew that the sword of Philip was forged in the
gold mines of South America, and that the only way to defend their
country was to intercept the plunder on its voyage home to Spain.
But the sailors and their captains— Drake, Hawkins, Frobisher,
Howard, Grenville, Raleigh, and the rest—could not altogether
interrupt the enterprise of the King of Spain. The Armada
sailed, and came in sight of the English coast on the 20th of July,
1588.
An English warship of the Armada period: a replica of
the Golden Hind
now berthed as a floating museum in St.Mary Overie Dock, near to
Southwark Cathedral.
© Copyright
Martin Addison and licensed for reuse under this
Creative Commons Licence.
The struggle was of an extraordinary character. On the
one side was the most powerful naval armament that had ever put to
sea. It consisted of six squadrons of sixty fine large ships,
the smallest being of 700 tons. Besides these were four
gigantic galleasses, each carrying fifty guns, four large armed
galleys, fifty-six armed merchant ships, and twenty caravels—in all,
149 vessels. On board were 8,000 sailors, 20,000 soldiers, and
a large number of galley-slaves. The ships carried provisions
enough for six months' consumption; and the supply of ammunition was
enormous.
On the other side was the small English fleet under Hawkins
and Drake. The Royal ships were only thirteen in number.
The rest were contributed by Private enterprise, there being only
thirty-eight vessels of all sorts and sizes, including cutters and
pinnaces, carrying the Queen's flag. The principal armed
merchant ships were provided by London, Southampton, Bristol, and
the other southern ports. Drake was followed by some
privateers; Hawkins had four or five ships, and Howard of Effingham
two. The fleet was, however, very badly found in provisions
and ammunition. There was only a week's provisions on board,
and scarcely enough ammunition for one day's hard fighting.
But the ships, small though they were, were in good condition.
They could sail, whether in pursuit or in flight, for the men who
navigated them were thorough sailors.
The success of the defence was due to tact, courage, and
seamanship. At the first contact of the fleets, the Spanish
towering galleons wished to close, to grapple with their
contemptuous enemies, and crush them to death. "Come on!" said
Medina Sidonia. Lord Howard came on with the Ark and
three other ships, and fired with immense rapidity into the great
floating castles. The San Mateo luffed, and wanted them
to board. "No! not yet!" The English tacked, returned,
fired again, riddled the Spaniards, and shot away in the eye of the
wind. To the astonishment of the Spanish Admiral, the English
ships approached him or left him just as they chose. "The
enemy pursue me," wrote the Spanish Admiral to the Prince of Parma;
"they fire upon me most days from morning till nightfall, but they
will not close and grapple, though I have given them every
opportunity." The Capitana, a galleon of 1,200 tons,
dropped behind, struck her flag to Drake, and increased the store of
the English fleet by some tons of gunpowder. Another Spanish
ship surrendered, and another store of powder and shot was rescued
for the destruction of the Armada. And so it happened
throughout, until the Spanish fleet was driven to wreck and ruin,
and the remaining ships were scattered by the tempests of the north.
After all, Philip proved to be, what the sailors called him, only "a
Colossus stuffed with clouts."
The English sailors followed up their advantage. They
went on "singeing the King of Spain's beard." Private
adventurers fitted up a fleet under the command of Drake, and
invaded the mainland of Spain. They took the lower part of the
town of Corunna; sailed to the Tagus, and captured a fleet of ships
laden with wheat and warlike stores for a new Armada. They
next sacked Vigo, and returned to England with 150 pieces of cannon
and a rich booty. The Earl of Cumberland sailed to the West
Indies on a private adventure, and captured more Spanish prizes.
In 1590, ten English merchantmen, returning from the Levant,
attacked twelve Spanish galleons, and after six hours' contest, put
them to flight with great loss. In the following year, three
merchant ships set sail for the East Indies, and in the course of
their voyage took several Portuguese vessels.
A powerful Spanish fleet still kept the seas, and in 1591
they conquered the noble Sir Richard Grenville at the Azores—fifteen
great Spanish galleons against one Queen's ship, the Revenge.
In 1593, two of the Queen's ships, accompanied by a number of
merchant ships, sailed for the West Indies, under Burroughs,
Frobisher, and Cross, and amongst their other captures they took the
greatest of all the East India caracks, a vessel of 1,600 tons, 700
men, and 36 brass cannon, laden with a magnificent cargo. She
was taken to Dartmouth, and surprised all who saw her, being the
largest ship that had ever been seen in England. In 1594,
Captain James Lancaster set sail with three ships upon a voyage of
adventure. He was joined by some Dutch and French privateers.
The result was, that they captured thirty-nine of the Spanish ships.
Sir Amias Preston, Sir John Hawkins, and Sir Francis Drake, also
continued their action upon the seas. Lord Admiral Howard and
the Earl of Essex made their famous attack upon Cadiz for the
purpose of destroying the new Armada; they demolished all the forts;
sank eleven of the King of Spain's best ships, forty-four merchant
ships, and brought home much booty.
Nor was maritime discovery neglected. The planting of
new colonies began, for the English people had already begun to
swarm. In 1578, Sir Humphrey Gilbert planted Newfoundland for
the Queen. In 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh planted the first
settlement in Virginia. Nor was the North-west passage
neglected; for in 1580, Captain Pett (a name famous on the Thames)
set sail from Harwich in the George, accompanied by Captain
Jackman in the William. They reached the ice in the
North Sea, but were compelled to return without effecting their
purpose. Will it be believed that the George was only
of 40 tons, and that its crew consisted of nine men and a boy; and
that the William was of 20 tons, with five men and a boy?
The wonder is that these little vessels should resist the terrible
icefields, and return to England again with their hardy crews.
Then in 1585, another of our adventurous sailors, John Davis,
of Sandridge on the Dart, set sail with two barks, the Sunshine
and the Moonshine, of 50 and 35 tons respectively, and
discovered in the far North-west the Strait which now bears his
name. He was driven back by the ice; but, undeterred by his
failure, he set out on a second, and then on a third voyage of
discovery in the two following years. But he never succeeded
in discovering the North-west passage. It all reads like a
mystery—these repeated, determined, and energetic attempts to
discover a new way of reaching the fabled region of Cathay.
In these early times the Dutch were not unworthy rivals of
the English. After they had succeeded in throwing off the
Spanish yoke and achieved their independence, they became one of the
most formidable of maritime powers. In the course of another
century Holland possessed more colonies, and had a larger share of
the carrying trade of the world than Britain. It was natural
therefore that the Dutch republic should take an interest in the
North-west passage; and the Dutch sailors, by their enterprise and
bravery, were among the first to point the way to Arctic discovery.
Barents and Behring, above all others, proved the courage and
determination of their heroic ancestors.
The romance of the East India Company begins with an
advertisement in the London Gazette of 1599, towards the end
of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. As with all other enterprises
of the nation, it was established by private means. The
Company was started with a capital of £72,000 in £50 shares.
The adventurers bought four vessels of an average burthen of 350
tons. These were stocked with provisions, "Norwich stuffs,"
and other merchandise. The tiny fleet sailed from Billingsgate
on the 13th February, 1601. It went by the Cape of Good Hope
to the East Indies, under the command of Captain James Lancaster.
It took no less than sixteen months to reach the Indian Archipelago.
The little fleet reached Acheen in June, 1602. The king of the
territory received the visitors with courtesy, and exchanged spices
with them freely. The four vessels sailed homeward, taking
possession of the island of St. Helena on their way back; having
been absent exactly thirty-one months. The profits of the
first voyage proved to be about one hundred per cent. Such was
the origin of the great East India Company—now expanded into an
empire, and containing about two hundred millions of people.
To return to the shipping and the mercantile marine of the
time of Queen Elizabeth. The number of Royal ships was only
thirteen, the rest of the navy consisting of merchant ships, which
were hired and discharged when their purpose was served. [p.24-1]
According to Wheeler, at the accession of the Queen, there were not
more than four ships belonging to the river Thames, excepting those
of the Royal Navy, which were over 120 tons in burthen; [p.24-2]
and after forty years, the whole of the merchant ships of England,
over 100 tons, amounted to 135; only a few of these being of 500
tons. In 1588, the number had increased to 150, "of about 150
tons one with another, employed in trading voyages to all parts and
countries." The principal shipping which frequented the
English ports still continued to be foreign—Italian, Flemish, and
German.
Liverpool, now possessing the largest shipping tonnage in the
world, had not yet come into existence. It was little better
than a fishing village. The people of the place presented a
petition to the Queen, praying her to remit a subsidy which had been
imposed upon them, and speaking of their native place as "Her
Majesty's poor decayed town of Liverpool." In 1565, seven
years after Queen Elizabeth began to reign, the number of vessels
belonging to Liverpool was only twelve. The largest was of
forty tons burthen, with twelve men; and the smallest was a boat of
six tons, with three men. [p.24-3]
James I., on his accession to the throne of England in 1603,
called in all the ships of war, as well as the numerous privateers
which had been employed during the previous reign in waging war
against the commerce of Spain, and declared himself to be at peace
with all the world. James was as peaceful as a Quaker.
He was not a fighting king; and, partly on this account, he was not
popular. He encouraged manufactures in wool, silk, and
tapestry. He gave every encouragement to the mercantile and
colonizing adventurers to plant and improve the rising settlements
of Virginia, New England, and Newfoundland. He also promoted
the trade to the East Indies. Attempts continued to be made,
by Hudson, Poole, Button, Hall, Baffin, and other courageous seamen,
to discover the North-West passage, but always without effect.
The shores of England being still much infested by Algerine
and other pirates, [p.25] King
James found it necessary to maintain the ships of war in order to
protect navigation and commerce. He nearly doubled the ships
of the Royal Navy, and increased the number from thirteen to
twenty-four. Their size, however, continued small, both Royal
and merchant ships. Sir William Monson says, that at the
accession of James I. there were not above four merchant ships in
England of 400 tons burthen. [p.26-1]
The East Indian merchants were the first to increase the size.
In 1609, encouraged by their Charter, they built the Trade's
Increase, of 1,100 tons burthen, the largest merchant ship that
had ever been built in England. As it was necessary that the
crew of the ship should be able to beat off the pirates, she was
fully armed. The additional ships of war were also of heavier
burthen. In the same year, the Prince, of 1,400 tons
burthen, was launched; she carried sixty-four cannon, and was
superior to any ship of the kind hitherto seen in England.
And now we arrive at the subject of this memoir. The Petts were the
principal ship-builders of the time. They had long been known upon
the Thames, and had held posts in the Royal Dockyards since the
reign of Henry VII. They were gallant sailors, too; one of them, as
already mentioned, having made an adventurous voyage to the Arctic
Ocean in his little bark, the George, of only 40 tons burthen. Phineas Pett was the first of the great ship-builders. His father,
Peter Pett, was one of the Queen's master shipwrights. Besides being
a ship-builder, he was also a poet, being the author of a poetical
piece entitled, "Time's Journey to seek his daughter Truth," [p.26-2]
a very respectable performance. Indeed, poetry is by no means
incompatible with ship-building—the late Chief Constructor of the
Navy being, perhaps, as proud of his poetry as of his ships. Pett's
poem was dedicated to the Lord High Admiral, Howard, Earl of
Nottingham; and this may possibly have been the reason of the
singular interest which he afterwards took in Phineas Pett, the poet
shipwright's son.
Phineas Pett (1570-1647): shipwright.
© National Portrait
Gallery, London.
Phineas Pett was the second son of his father. He was born at
Deptford, or "Deptford Strond," as the place used to be called, on
the 1st of November, 1570. At nine years old, he was sent to the
free-school at Rochester, and remained there for four years. Not
profiting much by his education there, his father removed him to a
private school at Greenwich, kept by a Mr. Adams. Here he made so
much progress, that in three years time he was ready for Cambridge. He was accordingly sent to that University at Shrovetide, 1586, and
was entered at Emmanuel College, under charge of Mr. Charles
Chadwick, the president. His father allowed him £20 per annum,
besides books, apparel, and other necessaries.
Phineas remained at Cambridge for three years. He was obliged to
quit the University by the death of his "reverend, ever-loving
father," whose loss, he says, "proved afterwards my utter undoing
almost, had not God been more merciful to me." His mother married
again, "a most wicked husband," says Pett in his autobiography, [p.27]
"one, Mr. Thomas Nunn, a minister," but of what denomination he does
not state. His mother's imprudence wholly deprived him of his
maintenance, and having no hopes of preferment from his friends, he
necessarily abandoned his University career, "presently after
Christmas, 1590."
Early in the following year, he was persuaded by his mother to
apprentice himself to Mr. Richard Chapman, of Deptford Stroud, one
of the Queen's Master shipwrights, whom his late father had "bred
up from a child to that profession." He was allowed £2 6s. 8d. per
annum, with which he had to provide himself with tools and apparel. Pett spent two years in this man's service to very little purpose;
Chapman then died, and the apprentice was dismissed. Pett applied to
his elder brother Joseph, who would not help him, although he had
succeeded to his father's post in the Royal Dockyard. He was
accordingly "constrained to ship himself to sea upon a desperate
voyage in a man-of-war." He accepted the humble place of carpenter's
mate on board the galleon Constance, of London. Pett's younger
brother, Peter, then living at Wapping, gave him lodging, meat, and
drink, until the ship was ready to sail. But he had no money to buy
clothes. Fortunately one William King, a yoeman in Essex, taking
pity upon the unfortunate young man, lent him £3 for that purpose;
which Pett afterwards repaid.
The Constance was of only 200 tons burden. She set sail for the
South a few days before Christmas, 1592. There is no doubt that she
was bound upon a piratical adventure. Piracy was not thought
dishonourable in those days. Four years had elapsed since the Armada
had approached the English coast; and now the English and Dutch
ships were scouring the seas in search of Spanish galleons. Whoever
had the means of furnishing a ship, and could find a plucky captain
to command her, sent her out as a privateer. Even the Companies of
the City of London clubbed their means together for the purpose of
sending out Sir Walter Raleigh to capture Spanish ships, and
afterwards to divide the plunder; as any one may see on referring to
the documents of the London Corporation. [p.29]
The adventure in which Pett was concerned did not prove very
fortunate. He was absent for about twenty months on the coasts of
Spain and Barbary, and in the Levant, enduring much misery for want
of victuals and apparel, and "without taking any purchase of any
value." The Constance returned to the Irish coast, "extreme poorly."
The vessel entered Cork harbour, and then Pett, thoroughly disgusted
with privateering life, took leave of both ship and voyage. With
much difficulty, he made his way across the country to Waterford,
from whence he took ship for London. He arrived there three days
before Christmas, 1594, in a beggarly condition, and made his way to
his brother Peter's house at Wapping, who again kindly entertained
him. The elder brother Joseph received him more coldly, though he
lent him forty shillings to find himself in clothes. At that time,
the fleet was ordered to be got ready for the last expedition of
Drake and Hawkins to the West Indies. The Defiance was sent into
Woolwich dock to be sheathed; and as Joseph Pett was in charge of
the job, he allowed his brother to be employed as a carpenter.
In the following year, Phineas succeeded in attracting the notice of
Matthew Baker, who was commissioned to rebuild Her Majesty's
Triumph. Baker employed Pett as an ordinary workman; but he had
scarcely begun the job before Baker was ordered to proceed with the
building of a great new ship at Deptford, called the Repulse. Phineas wished to follow the progress of the
Triumph, but finding
his brother Joseph unwilling to retain him in his employment, he
followed Baker to Deptford, and continued to work at the Repulse
until she was finished, launched, and set sail on her voyage, at the
end of April, 1596. This was the leading ship of the squadron which
set sail for Cadiz, under the command of the Earl of Essex and the
Lord Admiral Howard, and which did so much damage to the forts and
shipping of Philip II. of Spain.
During the winter months, while the work was in progress, Pett spent
the leisure of his evenings in perfecting himself in learning,
especially in drawing, cyphering, and mathematics, for the purpose,
as he says, of attaining the knowledge of his profession. His
master, Mr. Baker, gave him every encouragement, and from his
assistance, he adds, "I must acknowledge I received my greatest
lights." The Lord Admiral was often present at Baker's house. Pett
was importuned to set sail with the ship when finished, but he
preferred remaining at home. The principal reason, no doubt, that
restrained him at this moment from seeking the patronage of the
great, was the care of his two sisters, [p.31]
who, having fled from the house of their barbarous stepfather, could
find no refuge but in that of their brother Phineas. Joseph refused
to receive them, and Peter of Wapping was perhaps less able than
willing to do so.
In April, 1597, Pett had the advantage of being introduced to
Howard, Earl of Nottingham, then Lord High Admiral of England. This,
he says, was the first beginning of his rising. Two years later,
Howard recommended him for employment in purveying plank and timber
in Norfolk and Suffolk for shipbuilding purposes. Pett accomplished
his business satisfactorily, though he had some malicious enemies to
contend against. In his leisure, he began to prepare models of
ships, which he rigged and finished complete. He also proceeded with
the study of mathematics. The beginning of the year 1600 found Pett
once more out of employment; and during his enforced idleness,
which continued for six months, he seriously contemplated abandoning
his profession and attempting to gain "an honest and convenient
maintenance" by joining a friend in purchasing a caravel (a small
vessel), and navigating it himself.
He was, however, prevented from undertaking this enterprise by a
message which he received from the Court, then stationed at
Greenwich. The Lord High Admiral desired to see him; and after many
civil compliments, he offered him the post of keeper of the plankyard at Chatham. Pett was only too glad to accept this offer,
though the salary was small. He shipped his furniture on board a hoy
of Rainham, and accompanied it down the Thames to the junction with
the Medway. There he escaped a great danger—one of the sea perils of
the time. The mouths of navigable rivers were still infested with
pirates; and as the hoy containing Pett approached the Nore about
three o'clock in the morning, and while still dark, she came upon a
Dunkirk picaroon, full of men. Fortunately the pirate was at anchor;
she weighed and gave chase, and had not the hoy set full sail, and
been impelled up the Swale by a fresh wind, Pett would have been
taken prisoner, with all his furniture. [p.32]
Arrived at Chatham, Pett met his brother Joseph, became reconciled
to him, and ever after they lived together as loving brethren. At
his brother's suggestion, Pett took a lease of the Manor House, and
settled there with his sisters. He was now in the direct way to
preferment. Early in the following year (March, 1601) he succeeded
to the place of assistant to the principal master shipwright at
Chatham, and undertook the repairs of Her Majesty's ship The Lion's
Whelp, and in the next year he new-built the Moon, enlarging her
both in length and breadth.
At the accession of James I. in 1603, Pett was commanded by the Lord
High Admiral with all possible speed to build a little vessel for
the young Prince Henry, eldest son of His Majesty. It was to be a
sort of copy of the Ark Royal, which was the flagship of the Lord
High Admiral when he defeated the Spanish Armada. Pett proceeded to
accomplish the order with all dispatch. The little ship was in
length by the keel 28 feet, in breadth 12 feet, and very curiously
garnished within and without with painting and carving. After
working by torch and candle-light, night and day, the ship was
launched, and set sail for the Thames, with the noise of drums,
trumpets, and cannon, at the beginning of March, 1604. After passing
through a great storm at the Nore, the vessel reached the Tower,
where the King and the young Prince inspected her with delight. She
was christened Disdain by the Lord High Admiral, and Pett was
appointed captain of the ship.
After his return to Chatham, Pett, at his own charge, built a small
ship at Gillingham, of 300 tons, which he launched in the same year,
and named the Resistance. The ship was scarcely out of hand, when Pett was ordered to Woolwich, to prepare the
Bear and other vessels
for conveying his patron, the Lord High Admiral, as an Ambassador
Extraordinary to Spain, for the purpose of concluding peace, after a
strife of more than forty years. The Resistance was hired by the
Government as a transport, and Pett was put in command. He seems to
have been married at this time, as he mentions in his memoir that he
parted with his wife and children at Chatham on the 24th of March,
1605, and that he sailed from Queen-borough on Easter Sunday.
During the voyage to Lisbon the Resistance became separated from the
Ambassador's squadron, and took refuge in Corunna. She then set sail
for Lisbon, which she reached on the 24th of April; and afterwards
for St. Lucar, on the Guadalquivir, near Seville, which she reached
on the 11th of May following. After revisiting Corunna, "according
to instructions," on the homeward voyage, Pett directed his course
for England, and reached Rye on the 26th of June, "amidst much rain,
thunder, and lightning." In the course of the same year, his brother
Joseph died, and Phineas succeeded to his post as master shipbuilder
at Chatham. He was permitted, in conjunction with one Henry Farvey
and three others, to receive the usual reward of 5s. per ton for
building five new merchant ships, [p.34]
most probably for East Indian commerce, now assuming large
dimensions. He was despatched by the Government to Bearwood, in
Hampshire, to make a selection of timber from the estate of the Earl
of Worcester for the use of the navy, and on presenting his report
3,000 tons were purchased. What with his building of ships, his
attendance on the Lord Admiral to Spain, and his selection of timber
for the Government, his hands seem to have been kept very full
during the whole of 1605.
In July, 1606, Pett received private instructions from the Lord High
Admiral to have all the King's ships "put into comely readiness" for
the reception of the King of Denmark, who was expected on a Royal
visit. "Wherein," he says, "I strove extraordinarily to express my
service for the honour of the kingdom; but by reason the time
limited was short, and the business great, we laboured night and day
to effect it, which accordingly was done, to the great honour of our
sovereign king and master, and no less admiration of all strangers
that were eye-witnesses to the same." The reception took place on
the 10th of August, 1606.
Shortly after the departure of His Majesty of Denmark, four of the
Royal ships—the Ark, Victory, Golden Lion, and
Swiftsure—were
ordered to be dry-docked; the two last mentioned at Deptford, under
charge of Matthew Baker; and the two former at Woolwich, under that
of Pett. For greater convenience, Pett removed his family to
Woolwich. After being elected and sworn Master of the Company of
Shipwrights, he refers in his manuscript, for the first time, to his
magnificent and original design of the Prince Royal. [p.35]
"After settling at Woolwich," he says, "I began a curious model for
the prince my master, most part whereof I wrought with my own
hands." After finishing the model, he exhibited it to the Lord High
Admiral, and, after receiving his approval and commands, he
presented it to the young prince at Richmond. "His Majesty (who was
present) was exceedingly delighted with the sight of the model, and
passed some time in questioning the divers material things
concerning it, and demanded whether I could build the great ship in
all parts like the same; for I will, says His Majesty, compare them
together when she shall be finished. Then the Lord Admiral commanded
me to tell His Majesty the story of the Three Ravens [p.36]
I had seen at Lisbon, in St. Vincent's Church; which I did as well
as I could, with my best expressions, though somewhat daunted at
first at His Majesty's presence, having never before spoken before
any King."
Before, however, he could accomplish his purpose, Pett was overtaken
by misfortunes. His enemies, very likely seeing with spite the
favour with which he had been received by men in high position,
stirred up an agitation against him. There may, and there very
probably was, a great deal of jobbery going on in the dockyards. It
was difficult, under the system which prevailed, to have any proper
check upon the expenditure for the repair and construction of ships. At all events, a commission was appointed for the purpose of
inquiring into the abuses and misdemeanours of those in office; and Pett's enemies took care that his past proceedings should be
thoroughly overhauled,—together with those of Sir Robert Mansell,
then Treasurer to the Navy; Sir John Trevor, surveyor; Sir Henry
Palmer, controller; Sir Thomas Blather, victualler; and many others.
While the commission was still sitting and holding what Pett calls
their "malicious proceedings," he was able to lay the keel of his
new great ship upon the stocks in the dock at Woolwich on the 20th
of October, 1608. He had a clear conscience, for his hands were
clean. He went on vigorously with his work, though he knew that the
inquisition against him was at its full height. His enemies reported
that he was "no artist, and that he was altogether insufficient to
perform such a service" as that of building his great ship. Nevertheless, he persevered, believing in the goodness of his cause.
Eventually, he was enabled to turn the tables upon his accusers, and
to completely justify himself in all his transactions with the king,
the Lord Admiral, and the public officers, who were privy to all his
transactions. Indeed, the result of the enquiry was not only to
cause a great trouble and expense to all the persons accused, but,
as Pett says in his Memoir, "the Government itself of that royal
office was so shaken and disjoined as brought almost ruin upon the
whole Navy, and a far greater charge to his Majesty in his yearly
expense than ever was known before." [p.37]
In the midst of his troubles and anxieties, Pett was unexpectedly
cheered with the presence of his "Master" Prince Henry, who
specially travelled out of his way from Essex to visit him at
Woolwich, to see with his own eyes what progress he was making with
the great ship. After viewing the dry dock, which had been
constructed by Pett, and was one of the first, if not the very first
in England,—his Highness partook of a banquet which the shipbuilder
had hastily prepared for him in his temporary lodgings.
One of the circumstances which troubled Pett so much at this time,
was the strenuous opposition of the other shipbuilders to his plans
of the great ship. There never had been such a frightful innovation. The model was all wrong. The lines were detestable. The man who
planned the whole thing was a fool, a "cozener" of the king, and the
ship, suppose it to be made, was "unfit for any other use but a
dung-boat!" This attack upon his professional character weighed very
heavily upon his mind.
He determined to put his case in a straightforward manner before the
Lord High Admiral. He set down in writing in the briefest manner
everything that he had done, and the plots that had been hatched
against him; and beseeched his lordship, for the honour of the
State, and the reputation of his office, to cause the entire matter
to be thoroughly investigated "by judicious and impartial persons." After a conference with Pett, and an interview with his Majesty, the
Lord High Admiral was authorised by the latter to invite the Earls
of Worcester and Suffolk to attend with him at Woolwich, and bring
all the accusers of Pett's design of the great ship before them for
the purpose of examination, and to report to him as to the actual
state of affairs. Meanwhile Pett's enemies had been equally busy. They obtained a private warrant from the Earl of Northampton [p.38]
to survey the work; "which being done," says Pett, "upon return of
the insufficiency of the same under their hands, and confirmation by
oath, it was resolved amongst them I should be turned out, and for
ever disgraced."
But the lords appointed by the King now interfered between Pett and
his adversaries. They first inspected the ship, and made a diligent
survey of the form and manner of the work and the goodness of the
materials, and then called all the accusers before them to hear
their allegations. They were examined separately. First, Baker the
master shipbuilder was called. He objected to the size of the ship,
to the length, breadth, depth, draught of water, height of jack,
rake before and aft, breadth of the floor, scantling of the timber,
and so on. Then another of the objectors was called; and his
evidence was so clearly in contradiction to that which had already
been given, that either one or both must be wrong. The principal
objector, Captain Waymouth, next gave his evidence; but he was able
to say nothing to any purpose, except giving their lordships "a
long, tedious discourse of proportions, measures, lines, and an
infinite rabble of idle and unprofitable speeches, clean from the
matter."
The result was that their lordships reported favourably of the
design of the ship, and the progress which had already been made. The Earl of Nottingham interposed his influence; and the King
himself, accompanied by the young Prince, went down to Woolwich, and
made a personal examination. [p.39] A great many witnesses were again examined, twenty-four on one side,
and twenty-seven on the other. The King then carefully examined the
ship himself: "the planks, the tree-nails, the workmanship, and the
cross-grained timber." "The cross-grain," he concluded, "was in the
men and not in the timber." After all the measurements had been made
and found correct, "his Majesty," says Pett, "with a loud voice
commanded the measurers to declare publicly the very truth; which
when they had delivered clearly on our side, all the whole multitude
heaved up their hats, and gave a great and loud shout and
acclamation. And then the Prince, his Highness, called with a high
voice in these words: 'Where be now these perjured fellows that dare
thus abuse his Majesty with these false accusations? Do they not
worthily deserve hanging?'"
Thus Pett triumphed over all his enemies, and was allowed to finish
the great ship in his own way. By the middle of September 1610, the
vessel was ready to be "strucken down upon her ways"; and a dozen of
the choice master carpenters of his Majesty's navy came from Chatham
to assist in launching her. The ship was decorated, gilded, draped,
and garlanded; and on the 24th the King, the Queen, and the Royal
family came from the palace at Theobald's to witness the great
sight. Unfortunately, the day proved very rough; and it was little
better than a neap tide. The ship started very well, but the wind overblew the tide; she caught in the dock-gates, and settled hard
upon the ground, so that there was no possibility of launching her
that day.
This was a great disappointment. The King retired to the palace at
Greenwich, though the Prince lingered behind. When he left, he
promised to return by midnight, after which it was proposed to make
another effort to set the ship afloat. When the time arrived, the
Prince again made his appearance, and joined the Lord High Admiral,
and the principal naval officials. It was bright moonshine. After
midnight the rain began to fall, and the wind to blow from the
southwest. But about two o'clock, an hour before high water, the
word was given to set all taut, and the ship went away without any
straining of screws and tackles, till she came clear afloat into the
midst of the Thames. The Prince was aboard, and amidst the blast of
trumpets and expressions of joy, he performed the ceremony of
drinking from the great standing cup, and throwing the rest of the
wine towards the half-deck, and christening the ship by the name of
the Prince Royal. [p.41-1]
Prince Royal by Willem
van de Velde the Younger. [p.41-2]
Picture Wikipedia.
The dimensions of the ship may be briefly described. Her keel was
114 feet long, and her cross-beam 44 feet. She was of 1,100 tons
burthen, and carried 64 pieces of great ordnance. She was the
largest ship that had yet been constructed in England.
The Prince Royal was, at the time she was built, considered one of
the most wonderful efforts of human genius. Mr. Charnock, in his
'Treatise on Marine Architecture,' speaks of her as abounding in
striking peculiarities. Previous to the construction of this ship,
vessels were built in the style of the Venetian galley, which
although well adapted for the quiet Mediterranean, were not suited
for the stormy northern ocean. The fighting ships also of the time
of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth were too full of "top-hamper" for
modern navigation. They were oppressed by high forecastles and
poops. Pett struck out entirely new ideas in the build and lines of
his new ship; and the course which he adopted had its effect upon
all future marine structures. The ship was more handy, more wieldy,
and more convenient. She was unquestionably the first effort of
English ingenuity in the direction of manageableness and simplicity. "The vessel in question," says Charnock, "may be considered the
parent of the class of shipping which continues in practice even to
the present moment."
It is scarcely necessary to pursue in detail the further history of
Phineas Pett. We may briefly mention the principal points. In 1612,
the Prince Royal was appointed to convey the Princess Elizabeth and
her husband, The Palsgrave, to the Continent. Pett was on board the
ship, and found that "it wrought exceedingly well, and was so yare
of conduct that a foot of helm would steer her." While at Flushing,
"such a multitude of people, men, women, and children, came from
all places in Holland to see the ship, that we could scarce have
room to go up and down till very night."
About the 27th of March, 1616, Pett bargained with Sir Walter
Raleigh to build a vessel of 500 tons, [p.42]
and received £500 from him on account. The King, through the
interposition of the Lord Admiral, allowed Pett to lay her keel on
the galley dock at Woolwich. In the same year he was commissioned by
the Lord Zouche, now Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, to construct a
pinnace of 40 tons, in respect of which Pett remarks, "towards the
whole of the hull of the pinnace, and all her rigging, I received
only £100 from the Lord Zouche, the rest Sir Henry Mainwaring
(half-brother to Raleigh) cunningly received on my behalf, without
my knowledge, which I never got from him but by piecemeal, so that
by the bargain I was loser £100 at least."
Pett fared much worse at the hands of Raleigh himself. His great
ship, the Destiny, was finished and launched in December, 1616. "I
delivered her to him," says Pett, "on float, in good order and
fashion; by which business I lost £700, and could never get any
recompense at all for it; Sir Walter going to sea and leaving me
unsatisfied." [p.43-1] Nor
was this the only loss that Pett met with this year. The King, he
states, "bestowed upon me for the supply of my present relief the
making of a knight-baronet," which authority Pett passed to a
recusant, one Francis Ratcliffe, for £700; but that worthy defrauded
him, so that he lost £30 by the bargain.
Next year, Pett was despatched by the Government to the New Forest
in Hampshire, "where," he says, "one Sir Giles Mompesson [p.43-2]
had made a vast waste in the spoil of his Majesty's timber, to
redress which I was employed thither, to make choice out of the
number of trees he had felled of all such timber as was useful for
shipping, in which business I spent a great deal of time, and
brought myself into a great deal of trouble." About this period,
poor Pett's wife and two of his children lay for some time at
death's door. Then more enquiries took place into the abuses of the
dockyards, in which it was sought to implicate Pett. During the next
three years (1618-20) he worked under the immediate orders of the
Commissioners in the New Dock at Chatham.
In 1620, Pett's friend Sir Robert Mansell was appointed General of
the Fleet destined to chastise the Algerine pirates, who still
continued their depredations on the shipping in the Channel, and the
King thereupon commissioned Pett to build with all dispatch two
pinnaces, of 120 and 80 tons respectively. "I was myself," he says,
"to serve as Captain in the voyage"—being glad, no doubt, to escape
from his tormentors. The two pinnaces were built at Ratcliffe, and
were launched on the 16th and 18th of October, 1620. On the 30th, Pett sailed with the fleet, and after driving the pirates out of the
Channel, he returned to port after an absence of eleven months.
His enemies had taken advantage of his absence from England to get
an order for the survey of the Prince Royal, his masterpiece; the
result of which was, he says, that "they maliciously certified the
ship to be unserviceable, and not fit to continue—that what charges
should be bestowed upon her would be lost." Nevertheless, the
Prince
Royal was docked, and fitted for a voyage to Spain. She was sent
thither with Charles Prince of Wales and the Duke of Buckingham, the
former going in search of a Spanish wife. Pett, the builder of the
ship, was commanded to accompany the young Prince and the Duke.
The expedition sailed on the 24th of August, 1623, and returned on
the 14th of October. Pett was entertained on board the Prince Royal,
and rendered occasional services to the officers in command, though
nothing of importance occurred during the voyage. The Prince of
Wales presented him with a valuable gold chain as a reward for his
attendance. In 1625, Pett, after rendering many important services
to the Admiralty, was ordered again to prepare the Prince Royal for
sea. She was to bring over the Prince of Wales's bride from France. While the preparations were making for the voyage, news reached
Chatham of the death of King James. Pett was afterwards commanded to
go forward with the work of preparing the Prince Royal, as well as
the whole fleet, which was intended to escort the French Princess,
or rather the Queen, to England. The expedition took place in May,
and the young Queen landed at Dover on the 12th of that month.
Pett continued to be employed in building and repairing ships, as
well as in preparing new designs, which he submitted to the King and
the Commissioners of the Navy. In 1626, he was appointed a joint
commissioner,
with the Lord High Admiral, the Lord Treasurer Marlborough, and
others, "to enquire into certain alleged abuses of the Navy, and to
view the state thereof, and also the stores thereof," clearly
showing he was regaining his old position. He was also engaged in
determining the best mode of measuring the tonnage of ships. [p.45] Four years later
he was again appointed a commissioner for making
"a general survey of the whole navy at Chatham." For this and his
other services the King promoted Pett to be a principal officer of
the Navy, with a fee of £200 per annum. His patent was sealed on
the 16th of January, 1631. In the same year the King visited
Woolwich to witness the launching of the Vanguard, which Pett had
built; and his Majesty honoured the shipwright by participating in a
banquet at his lodgings.
From this period to the year 1637, Pett records nothing of
particular importance in his autobiography. He was chiefly occupied
in aiding his son Peter—who was rapidly increasing his fame as a
shipwright—in repairing and building first-class ships of war. As Pett had, on an early occasion in his life, prepared a miniature
ship for Prince Henry, eldest son of James I., he now proceeded, to
prepare a similar model for the Prince of Wales, the King's eldest
son, afterwards Charles II. This model was presented to the Prince
at St. James's, "who entertained it with great joy, being purposely
made to disport himself withal." On the next visit of his Majesty to
Woolwich, he inspected the progress made with the Leopard, a
sloop-of-war built by Peter Pett. While in the hold of the vessel,
the King called Phineas to one side, and told him of his resolution
to have a great new ship built, and that Phineas must be the
builder. This great new ship was The Sovereign of the Seas,
afterwards built by Phineas and Peter Pett. Some say that the model
was prepared by the latter; but Phineas says that it was prepared by
himself, and finished by the 29th of October, 1634. As a
compensation for his services, his Majesty renewed his pension of
£40. (which had been previously stopped), with orders for all the
arrears due upon it to be paid,
To provide the necessary timber for the new ship, Phineas and his
son went down into the North to survey the forests. They went first
by water to Whitby; from thence they proceeded on horseback to Gisborough and baited; then to Stockton, where they found but poor
entertainment, though they lodged with the Mayor, whose house "was
only a mean thatched cottage!" Middlesborough and the great iron
district of the North had not yet come into existence. Newcastle,
already of some importance, was the principal scene of their
labours. The timber for the new ship was found in Chapley Wood and Brancepeth Park. The gentry did all they could to facilitate the
object of Pett. On his journey homewards (July, 1635), he took
Cambridge on his way, where, says he, "I lodged at the Falcon, and
visited Emmanuel College, where I had been a scholar in my youth."
Peter Pett and the Sovereign of the Seas by
Peter Lely, 1637. [p.47-1]
Picture Wikipedia.
The Sovereign of the Seas was launched on the 12th of October, 1637,
having been about two years in building. Evelyn in his diary says of
the ship (19th July, 1641):—"We rode to Rochester and Chatham to see
the Soveraigne, a monstrous vessel so called, being for burthen,
defence, and ornament, the richest that ever spread cloth before the
wind. She carried 100 brass cannon, and was 1600 tons, a rare sailer,
the work of the famous Phineas Pett." Rear-Admiral Sir William
Symonds says that she was afterwards cut down, and was a safe and
fast ship. [p.47-2]
The Sovereign continued for nearly sixty years to be the finest ship
in the English service. Though frequently engaged in the most
injurious occupations, she continued fit for any services which the
exigencies of the State might require. She fought all through the
wars of the Commonwealth; she was the leading ship of Admiral Blake,
and was in all the great naval engagements with France and Holland. The Dutch gave her the name of
The Golden Devil. In the last fight
between the English and French, she encountered the Wonder of the
World, and so warmly plied the French Admiral, that she forced him
out of his three-decked wooden castle, and chasing the Royal Sun
before her, forced her to fly for shelter among the rocks, where she
became a prey to lesser vessels, and was reduced to ashes. At last,
in the reign of William III., the Sovereign became leaky and defective
with age; she was laid up at Chatham, and being set on fire by
negligence or accident, she burnt to the water's edge.
To return to the history of Phineas Pett. As years approached,
he
retired from office, and "his loving son," as he always
affectionately designates Peter, succeeded him as principal
shipwright, Charles I. conferring upon him the honour of knighthood. Phineas lived for ten years after the
Sovereign of the Seas was
launched. In the burial register of the parish of Chatham it is
recorded, "Phineas Pett, Esqe. and Capt., was buried 21st August,
1647." [p.48]
Sir Peter Pett was almost as distinguished as his father. He was the
builder of the first frigate, The Constant Warwick. Sir William
Symonds says of this vessel:—"She was an incomparable sailer,
remarkable for her sharpness and the fineness of her lines; and many
were built like her." Pett "introduced convex lines on the immersed
part of the hull, with the studding and sprit sails; and, in short,
he appears to have fully deserved his character of being the best
ship architect of his time." [p.49] Sir Peter Pett's monument in Deptford Old Church fully records his
services to England's naval power.
The Petts are said to have been connected with shipbuilding in the
Thames for not less than 200 years. Fuller, in his 'Worthies of
England,' says of them—"I am credibly informed that that mystery of
shipwrights for some descents hath been preserved faithfully in
families, of whom the Petts about Chatham are of singular regard. Good success have they with their skill, and carefully keep so
precious a pearl, lest otherwise amongst many friends some foes
attain unto it."
The late Peter Rolt, member for Greenwich, took pride in being
descended from the Petts; but so far as we know, the name itself has
died out. In 1801, when Charnock's 'History of Marine Architecture '
was published, Mr. Pett, of Tovil, near Maidstone, was the sole
representative of the family.
――――♦――――
CHAPTER II.
FRANCIS PETTIT SMITH:
PRACTICAL INTRODUCER OF THE
SCREW PROPELLER.
"The spirit of Paley's maxim that 'he
alone discovers who proves,' is applicable to the
history of inventions and discoveries; for certainly he
alone invents to any good purpose, who satisfies the
world that the means he may have devised have been found
competent to the end proposed."—DR.
SAMUEL BROWN.
"Too often the real worker and discoverer remains
unknown, and an invention, beautiful but useless in one
age or country, can be applied only in a remote
generation, or in a distant land. Mankind hangs
together from generation to generation; easy labour is
but inherited skill; great discoveries and inventions
are worked up to by the efforts of myriads ere the goal
is reached."—H. M. HYNDMN. |
SIR FRANCIS
PETTIT SMITH
(1808-74): ENGLISH
INVENTOR.
Picture: Internet Text Archive.
THOUGH a long
period elapsed between the times of Phineas Pett and "Screw" Smith,
comparatively little improvement had been effected in the art of
shipbuilding. The Sovereign of the Seas had not been
excelled by any ship of war built down to the end of last century. [p.50]
At a comparatively recent date, ships continued to be built of
timber and plank, and impelled by sails and oars, as they had been
for thousands of years before.
But this century has witnessed many marvellous changes.
A new material of construction has been introduced into
shipbuilding, with entirely new methods of propulsion. Old
things have been displaced by new; and the magnitude of the results
has been extraordinary. The most important changes have been
in the use of iron and steel instead of wood, and in the employment
of the steam-engine in impelling ships by the paddle or the screw.
So long as timber was used for the construction of ships, the
number of vessels built annually, especially in so small an island
as Britain, must necessarily have continued very limited.
Indeed, so little had the cultivation of oak in Great Britain been
attended to, that all the royal forests could not have supplied
sufficient timber to build one line-of-battle ship annually; while
for the mercantile marine, the world had to be ransacked for wood,
often of a very inferior quality.
Take, for instance, the seventy-eight gun ship, the
Hindostan, launched a few years ago. It would have
required 4200 loads of timber to build a ship of that description,
and the growth of the timber would have occupied seventy acres of
ground during eighty years. [p.51]
It would have needed something like 800,000 acres of land on which
to grow the timber for the ships annually built in this country for
commercial purposes. And timber ships are by no means lasting.
The average durability of ships of war employed in active service,
has been calculated to be about thirteen years, even when built of
British oak.
Indeed, years ago, the building of shipping in this country
was much hindered by the want of materials. The trade was
being rapidly transferred to Canada and the United States.
Some years since, an American captain said to an Englishman, Captain
Hall, when in China, "You will soon have to come to our country for
your ships: your little island cannot grow wood enough for a large
marine." "Oh!" said the Englishman, "we can build ships of
iron!" "Iron?" replied the American in surprise, "why, iron
sinks; only wood can float!" "Well! you will find I am right."
The prophecy was correct. The Englishman in question has now a
fleet of splendid iron steamers at sea.
The use of iron in shipbuilding had small beginnings, like
everything else. The established prejudice—that iron must
necessarily sink in water—long continued to prevail against its
employment. The first iron vessel was built and launched about
a hundred years since by John Wilkinson, of Bradley Forge, in
Staffordshire. In a letter of his, dated the 14th July, 1787,
the original of which we have seen, he writes:—"Yesterday week my
iron boat was launched. It answers all my expectations, and
has convinced the unbelievers, who were 999 in 1000. It will
be only a nine days' wonder, and afterwards a Columbus's egg."
It was, however, more than a nine days' wonder; for wood long
continued to be thought the only material capable of floating. |