TO THE READER.
TIMES have changed since our earlier British
Novelists, when they sought to make the incidents lie thick in their
fictions, gave them the form of a journey, and sent their heroes a
travelling over England. The one-half of "Tom Jones," two-thirds of
"Joseph Andrews," not a few of the most amusing chapters in "Roderick
Random" and "Launcelot Greaves," and the whole of "Humphrey Clinker," are
thrown into this form. They are works of English travels; and the
adventures with which they are enlivened arise by the wayside.
It would be rather a difficult matter in these later times to
make a novel out of an English tour. The country, measured by day's
journeys, has grown nine-tenths smaller than it was in the times of
Fielding and Smollett. The law has become too strong for Captain
Macheath the highwayman, and the public too knowing for Mr. Jenkinson the
swindler. The journeyer by moonlight, who accidentally loses his
road, stumbles on no "Hermit of the Hill," wrapped up in a grotesque dress
of skins; but merely encounters, instead, some suspicious gamekeeper,
taking his night-rounds in behalf of the Squire's pheasants. When
mill-dams give way during the rains, honest Mat Brambles do not discover,
in consequence, their affinity to devoted Humphrey Clinkers: there is
merely a half-hour's stoppage of the train, barren of incident, save that
the male passengers get out to smoke, while the ladies sit still.
And as for the frequent tragedy of railway collision accidents, it has but
little of the classic about it, and is more appropriately recorded in
newspaper columns, struck off for the passing day, than in pages of higher
pretensions written for to-morrow. England has become a greatly less
fertile field of adventure than when, according to the Angliœ
Metropolis for 1690, the "weekly waggon of Richard Hamersly the
carrier" formed the sole conveyance, for passengers who did not ride
horses of their own, between Brumegham and the capital.
But though the age of personal adventure has to a certainty
gone by, the age which has succeeded is scarcely less fertile in incident
on a larger scale, and of a greatly more remarkable character. It
would seem as if the same change which has abridged the area of the
country had given condensation to its history. We are not only
travelling, but also, as a people, living fast; and see revolutions, which
were formerly the slow work of ages, matured in a few brief seasons.
Opinion during the last twenty years has accomplished, though in a reverse
order, the cycle of the two previous centuries. From the Reformation
to the Revolution, the ecclesiastical reigned paramount in men's
minds: from the Revolution to the breaking out of the first American war—a
quiet time in the main—Governments managed their business much through the
medium of individual influence, little personal interests carried the day,
and monarchs and ministers bulked large in the forefront of the passing
events: from the first American war till the rise of Napoleon, the hot
political delirium raged wide among the masses, and even statesmen of the
old school learned to recognise the people as a power. Now, such in
effect has been the cycle of the last twenty years. The reign of
George the Fourth was also that of personal and party influence.
With the accession of William the political fever again broke out, and
swept the country in a greatly more alterative and irresistible form than
at first. And now, here, in the times of Victoria, are we scarce
less decidedly enveloped in the still thickening ecclesiastical element
than our ancestors of the sixteenth century. If there be less of
personal adventure in the England of the present day than in that of Queen
Anne and the two first Georges, there is, as if to make amends, greatly
more of incident in the history of the masses. It has been remarked
by some students of the Apocalypse, that the course of the predicted
events at first move slowly, as, one after one, six of the seven seals are
opened; that on the opening of the seventh seal, the progress is so
considerably quickened that the seventh period proves as fertile in
events—represented by the sounding of the seven trumpets—as the foregoing
six taken together; and that on the sounding of the seventh trumpet, so
great is the further acceleration, that there is an amount of incident
condensed in this seventh part of the seventh period, equal, as in the
former case, to that of all the previous six parts in one. There are
three cycles, it has been said, in the scheme—cycle within cycle; the
second comprised within a seventh portion of the first, and the third
within a seventh portion of the second. Be this as it may, we may at
least see something that exceedingly resembles it, in that actual economy
of change and revolution manifested in English history for the last two
centuries. It would seem as if events in their downward course, had
come under the influence of that law of gravitation through which falling
bodies increase in speed as they descend, according to the squares of the
distances.
Though there may be little to encounter in such a state of
society, there must of necessity be a good deal to observe: the traveller
may have few incidents to relate, and yet many appearances to describe.
He finds himself in the circumstances of the mariner who sits listlessly
in the calm and sunshine of a northern summer, and watches the
ever-changing aspect of some magnificent iceberg, as its sun-gilt
pinnacles sharpen and attenuate, and its deep fissures widen and extend,
and the incessant rush of the emancipated waters is heard to re-echo from
amid the green light of the dim twilight caverns within. Society in
England, in the present day, exists, like the thawing iceberg, in a
transition state, and presents its consequent shiftings of aspect and
changes of feature; and such is the peculiar degree of sensitiveness at
which the Government of the country has arrived—partly, it would seem,
from the fluctuating nature of the extended basis of representation on
which it now rests that, like some nervous valetudinarian, open to every
influence of climate and the weather, there is scarce a change that can
come over opinion, or affect the people in even their purely physical
concerns, which does not more or less fully index itself in the
statute-book. The autumn of 1845, in which I travelled over England,
was ungenial and lowering, and I saw wheaten fields deeply tinged with
brown—an effect of the soaking rains—and large tracts of diseased
potatoes. A season equally bad, however, twenty years ago, would
have failed to influence the politics of the country. Its frequent
storms might have desolated the fruits of the earth, but they would have
made no impression on the statutes at large. But the storms of 1845
proved greatly more influential. They were included in the cycle of
rapid change, and annihilated at once the Protectionist policy and party
of the empire. And amid the fermenting components of English society
there may be detected elements of revolution in their first causes,
destined, apparently, to exercise an influence on public affairs at least
not less considerable than the rains and tempests of the Autumn of
Forty-Five. The growing Tractarianism of the National Church
threatens to work greater changes than the bad potatoes, and the
semi-infidel liberalism of the country, fast passing into an aggressive
power, than the damaged corn.
The reader will find in the following pages, as from these
remarks he may be led to anticipate, scarce any personal anecdote or
adventure: they here and there record a brief dialogue by the wayside, or
in some humble lodging-house, and here and there a solitary stroll through
a wood, or a thoughtful lounge in a quarry; but there is considerably more
of eye and ear in them—of things seen and heard—than of aught else.
They index, however, not much of what he might be led equally to
expect—those diagnostic symptoms impressed on the face of society, that
indicate the extensive changes, secular and ecclesiastical, which seem so
peculiarly characteristic of the time. The journey of which they
form a record was undertaken purely for purposes of relaxation, in that
state of indifferent health, and consequent languor, which an over-strain
of the mental faculties usually induces, and in which, like the sick
animal that secludes itself from the herd, man prefers walking apart from
his kind, to seeking them out in the bustle and turmoil of active life,
there to note peculiarities of aspect or character, like an adventurous
artist taking sketches amid the heat of a battle. They will,
however, lead the reader who accompanies me in my rambles considerably out
of the usual route of the tourist, into sequestered corners, associated
with the rich literature of England, or amid rocks and caverns, in which
the geologist finds curious trace of the history of the country as it
existed during the long cycles of the bygone creations. I trust I
need scarce apologize to the general reader for my frequent transitions
from the actual state of things, to those extinct states which obtained in
what is now England during the geologic periods. The art, so
peculiar to the present age, of deciphering the ancient hieroglyphics,
sculptured on the rocks of our country, is gradually extending from the
few to the many: it will be comparatively a common accomplishment half a
generation hence; and when the hard names of the science shall have become
familiar enough no longer to obscure its poetry, it will be found that
what I have attempted to do will be done, proportionally to their measure
of ability, by travellers generally. In hazarding the prediction, I
build on the fact, that it is according to the intellectual nature of man
to delight in the metaphor and the simile—in pictures of the past and
dreams of the future—in short, in whatever introduces amid one set of
figures palpable to the senses, another visible but to the imagination,
and thus blends the ideal with the actual, like some fanciful allegorist,
sculptor, or painter, who mixes up with his groups of real personages,
qualities and dispositions embodied in human form—angelic virtues with
wings growing out of their shoulders, and brutal vices furnished with
tails and claws. And it is impossible, such being the mental
constitution of the species, to see the events of other creations legibly
engraved all around, as with an iron pen, on the face of nature, without
letting the mind loose to expatiate on those historic periods to which the
record so graphically refers. The geologist in our own country feels
himself in exactly the circumstances of the traveller who journeys amid
the deserts of Sinai, and sees the front of almost every precipice
roughened with antique inscriptions of which he had just discovered the
key—inscriptions that transport him from the silence and solitude of the
present, to a darkly remote past, when the loneliness of the wilderness
was cheered by the white glitter of unnumbered tents, and the breeze, as
it murmured by, went laden with the cheerful hum of a great people.
It may be judged, I am afraid, that to some of the localities
I devoted too much, and to some too little time, in proportion to the
degree of interest which attached to them. The Leasowes detained me
considerably longer than Stratford-on-Avon; and I oftener refer to
Shenstone than to Shakspere. It will, I trust, be found, however,
that I was influenced in such cases by no suspicious sympathy with the
little and the mediocre; and that if I preferred at times the less fertile
to the richer and better field, it has been simply, not because I failed
to estimate their comparative values, but because I found a positive
though scanty harvest awaiting me on the one, and on the other the
originally luxuriant swathe cut down and carried away, and but a vacant
breadth of stubble left to the belated gleaner. Besides, it is not
in his character as a merely tasteful versifier, but as a master in the
art of developing the beauties of landscape, that I have had occasion to
refer to Shenstone. He is introduced to the reader as the author of
the Leasowes—a work which cost him more thought and labour than all his
other compositions put together, and which the general reader, who has to
prosecute his travels by the fireside, can study but at second hand as it
now exists in sketches such as mine, or as it existed, at the death of its
author, in the more elaborate description of Dodsley. It is thus not
to a minor poet that I have devoted a chapter or two, but to a fine rural
poem, some two or three hundred acres in extent, that cannot be printed,
and that exists nowhere in duplicate.
It does matter considerably in some things that a man's
cradle should have been rocked to the north of the Tweed; and as I have
been at less pains to suppress in my writings the peculiarities of the
Scot and the Presbyterian than is perhaps common with my country-folk and
brother Churchmen, the Englishman will detect much in these pages to
remind him that mine was rocked to the north of the Tweed very decidedly.
I trust, however, that if he deem me in the main a not ill-natured
companion, he may feel inclined to make as large allowances for the
peculiar prejudices of my training, as he sees me making on most occasions
for the peculiar prejudices of his; that he may forgive me my partialities
to my own poor country, if they do not greatly warp my judgment nor
swallow up my love for my kind; that he may tolerate my Presbyterianism,
if he find it rendering a reason for its preferences, and not very bigoted
in its dislikes; and, in short, that we may part friends, not enemies, if
he can conclude, without overstraining his charity, that I have
communicated fairly, and in no invidious spirit, my First Impressions of
England and its People.
_________________________
ED.—see also
a literary review of
this book published in the New Englander magazine, 1850.
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