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CHAPTER XI.
SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL ADVERSARIES
"Look closer to't; you make the evil first;
A base, then pile a heap of censures on it.
'Tis your own sin supplies the scaffolding,
And mason work: you skilful, rear the grim
Unsightly fabric, and there point, and say,
'How ugly is it.' You meanwhile forget
'Tis your own handiwork."
CHARLES REECE
PEMBERTON. |
SOME account of the adversaries which the social
pioneers had to encounter, will further elucidate the early history of
co-operative enterprise.
The system of challenging everybody to discuss the new views
produced some excitement. The clergy, who then never discussed long
with anybody who answered them, naturally felt that these debates ought to
be put down. Other persons did not like controversy, and though they
would take no part themselves in suppressing it, were not unwilling to see
it done. The teetotalers of Liverpool, who invented a new social
crime, called Moderation, and rather apologised for the sot, actually
suspended Mr. Finch, who had done more than all of them put together to
advance temperance, and interdicted him from speaking on platforms in
their name, because of his social notions. In Birmingham an honest
Quaker shoemaker, named Empson, had to obtain a situation, but requiring
testimony to his character as a sober man, he applied to Mr. John Cadbury,
a well-known, influential, kind-hearted, and exemplary Quaker of the town,
to give him a testimonial. Mr. Cadbury being secretary to the
temperance society, who had known Empson many years as a good teetotaler,
was naturally sought to certify to the fact. Mr. Cadbury (whose
handsome calves were the admiration of Birmingham, and who wore breeches
the better to show them) answered as only a conventional Quaker can,
"William Empson, I want to hold no communion with thee, and I have ordered
others to hold no communion with thee. Thou recollects the
conversation I had with thee about John Finch, of Liverpool, when I told
thee he was a blasphemer." "Yes," said Mr. Empson, "I said if Mr.
Finch comes to Birmingham I will do all I can to get him a temperance
meeting; but, Mr. Cadbury, you have long known me as a prominent member of
the temperance society, will you give me a character for sobriety?"
Mr. Cadbury answered, "No, William Empson." "But," said Empson, "are
you not a Christian, Sir?" Mr. Cadbury answered, "Yes, William
Empson, I am, and I always respected thee, but I do not want to hold any
communion with thee."
The chief reason why persecution is so hateful is that it so
frequently succeeds in putting down the truth. Well-directed persecution
is a great power, like assassination. The Bishop of Exeter, whose claims
for dignity in the Church were not godliness, but vigorousness and
virulence, well understood that. Tory pamphleteering had done more for him
than divinity, and he naturally came forward in the House of Lords to
revile the grey-headed philanthropist, Mr. Owen, who had given his fortune
to mitigate the lot of the poor. Lord Normanby had presented Mr. Owen at
Court. Her Majesty, with that queenly impartiality with which she
recognised every man of distinction who has served the nation, was glad to
meet the ancient friend of her father. In Owen's intimacy loans had passed
between him and the Duke of Kent, which the Queen repaid when she knew it.
Good taste, if good feeling did not, should have kept the bishop silent
concerning a presentation so honourably accorded, and which in no way
concerned him. The bishop's speech in the House of Lords was thus reported
in the Morning Chronicle, of January 27, 1840, by George Wallis
("Pencil 'em")—
"He wished of his task he could be rid;
For he felt a horror, indeed he did,
Yet had seen and heard with profound disgust,
Their deeds of shame, and their words of lust.
He was able to tell them all, he said,
The nauseous tale, from A to Z.
And he thought the Marquis of Normanby
Might relish the tale as well as he.
The Socialists were the vilest race
That ever on earth or hell had place.
He would not prejudge them—no, not he;
For his soul overflowed with charity.
Incarnate fiends, he would not condemn;
No, God forbid he should slander them;
Foul swine, their lordships must confess,
He judged them with Christian gentleness.
He hated all show of persecution,
But why weren't they sent to execution?
To hasty censures he objected,—
But was not Lord Normanby suspected?
He never believed a rash report,
But who took Robert Owen to Court?
He would not offend, but would fain be knowing,
If Normanby was not as loose as Owen?
And would ask, nought meaning by the hint,
Did he believe in God? for Owen didn't." |
This was the spirit in which the Church commended itself to the people in
those pleasant days.
The bishop made no idle speech. He meant mischief, and
he did it. This was the time when Mr. William Pare, the registrar of
Birmingham, lost his situation, and the town lost a publicist of a quality
of knowledge
which has never been replaced. All over the country working men of skill
and character were dismissed from their employment for attending
lectures upon the new principles of association. Some of the men became
masters, and blessed the day when they were dismissed; and, as they
became capable and relentless rivals of their former employers, the said
employers did not bless
the Bishop of Exeter for his services. Many workmen were ruined, others
had to emigrate; and I have heard them say that if they can get at the
Bishop
of Exeter in the other world, either above or below, they will make
things very uncomfortable to him. As the sharp-tongued bishop, clever in all things,
prolonged his life to a great age, some of them thought he desired to
delay the day of meeting them as long as possible.
When bishops are angry the people are grateful, Mr. Pare experienced this. On his leaving Birmingham, a dinner was given to him, November, 1842. Mr.
Pare was then councillor of the ward of St. Thomas. Mr. G. F. Muntz, M.P.,
was present, and said, "if he was asked who he should appoint
to take charge of business requiring great care, great investigation, and
great honesty, he should say Mr. Pare was the man to do it. It was not the
second, nor the third, nor the tenth
time he had made that statement. If every man had worked in the cause of
reform as Mr. Pare had done, no man could calculate what would have
been the effect."
Men of mark who showed any civility to co-operators were scolded in a
grand way. One of the quarterlies was disagreeable to the poet laureate. It said: "Mr. Southey brings to the task two
faculties which were never, we believe, vouchsafed in measure so copious
to any
human being—the faculty of believing without a reason, and the faculty of
hating without
a provocation. He seems to have an instinctive antipathy for calm,
moderate men—for men who shun extremes and render reasons. He has treated
Mr. Owen, of Lanark, for example, with infinitely more respect than he has
shown to Mr. Hallam and Dr. Lingard; and this for no reason that we can
discover, except that Mr. Owen is more unreasonably and hopelessly in the
wrong than any speculator of our time." [93] Happily poet laureates have
succeeded Southey equally incapable of being intimidated out of sympathy
with the fortunes of honest, self-helping industry, as Tennyson did.
A number of wandering and flockless preachers hawked challenges from town
to town. One was a Mr. John Bowes, a pachydermatous believer, who was
not without the gift of
imputation, and with whom many discussions were held. In a discussion of
some nights which I held with him in Bradford, he gave me the idea that he
was a species of moral rhinoceros. Apart from the religious vices of
imputation which passed in those days for holy zeal, he was known as a
friend of
temperance and political freedom, and died in 1874 in Dundee well stricken
in years, after forty years of Wesleyan-like activity as a peregrinating
preacher.
The best qualified adversary who occupied co-operative attention for a
long period was the Rev. Joseph Barker, a restless Wesleyan local
preacher, who
had not been used well by his own party, and he avenged himself by never
treating any other party well. He published pamphlets against social
principles,
always readable for their invective, but not instructive, as the
objections he brought were entirely theological. The social advocates, who
always had an
appetite for an adversary, found Mr. Barker much occupation. He excelled
most men who as Christians destroyed respect for Christianity. The
overwhelming majority of social reformers were believers in the precepts
of Christ, and desirous of being associated with what would now be
admitted as
practical Christianity. Mr. Barker had great command of Saxon English and
poetic imagination; so that whatever side he adopted, and he adopted
every
side in turns, he presented it with a force of speech which commanded
attention. He was not a man who originated thought, but in discerning all
that could
be made of thought which he found originated, he excelled as a popular
expounder of it. The imputations he made upon those who differed from
whatever
views he happened to hold at the time would have amounted to a crime, had
it been an intellectual act of his mind; but, as his rotary imputations
were
applied by turns to every party to which he had ceased to belong, it was
merely the expression of an irresponsible extremist. He left to the
adherents of
every opinion that he espoused, a legacy of exposition and denunciation
which no other man contributed in his time. [94]
Of all the opponents who were encountered, the most impudent was a person
known subsequently as Dr. Brindley. Mr. Hawkes Smith, of Birmingham,
having delivered some lectures on phrenology, after a visit of Mr. George
Combe to that town, Mr. Brindley attacked it. The present writer
advised Mr. Hawkes Smith to answer him. Mr. Smith knew
all about the subject, and Mr. Brindley nothing. Not being able to reply,
Mr. Brindley attacked Mr. Hawkes Smith for
his advocacy of Mr. Owen's views. This excited the applause of the clergy,
who were willing that the new social principles should be denounced by
some one, and Dr. Brindley was
engaged to do it. He became the Caliban of the Church. He did not issue
from a Cave of Adullam, where all who were discontented were invited; but
from a Cave of Vituperation, where all who uttered rude words of Mr. Owen,
or had offensive imputations to make against his followers, were welcome. He
went on his mission of defamation to our manufacturing towns, and
counselled employers to dismiss men of far honester repute than his own;
and scores of families were brought into distress by his calumnious
tongue. His prayer was literally—
"Lord, in thy day of vengeance try them;
Lord, visit them who did employ them." |
Brindley was originally a travelling comb-seller. It was to his credit
that he became a schoolmaster—but he continued a pedlar in piety. As a
disputant he
was not without some good qualities. He was not afraid of discussion. He
never sheltered himself under German mysticism or occult or transcendental
interpretations, but stated and defended the broad, vulgar, orthodox
Christianity of the day, from which abler,
wiser men shrunk. He perished at last in the streets of New
York. Ministers of religion in America were more scrupulous
than in England, and did not adopt him. Dr. Hollick, a social missionary
who had debated with Brindley in England, was living in New York, but did
not hear
of his fate until it was too late, else, he wrote, he would have rendered
succour to his old adversary in his last extremity. Brindley had professed
to follow Mr. Bradlaugh to America. It is impossible not to feel sympathy
for the fate of the old combatant. He died like the war horse, sniffing
battle from
afar, when age had weakened his powers without being able to tame his
spirit.
Moved by a generous eagerness to turn men's attention to the power which
dwelt in circumstances, Mr. Owen devised the instructive phrase, that "man's
character was formed for him and not by him." [95] He used the unforgettable
inference
that "man is the creature of circumstances." The school of material
improvers believed they could put in permanent force
right circumstances. The great dogma was their charter of encouragement. To those who hated without thought it seemed a restrictive doctrine to be
asked to admit that there were extenuating circumstances in the career of
every rascal. To the clergy with whom censure was a profession, and who
held
that all sin was wilful, man being represented as the "creature of
circumstances," appeared a denial of moral responsibility. When they were
asked to
direct hatred against error, and pity the erring—who had inherited so
base a fortune of incapacity and condition—they were wroth exceedingly,
and said it
would be making a compromise with sin. The idea of the philosopher of
circumstances was that the very murderer in his last cell had been born
with a staple in his soul, to which the villainous conditions of his life
had attached an unseen chain, which had drawn him to the gallows, [96] and
that the rope
which was to hang him was but the visible part. Legislators since that day
have come to admit that punishment is justifiable only as far as it has
preventive influence. To use the great words of Hobbes, "Punishment
regardeth not the past, only the future."
Dr. Travis, an early and influential disciple of Mr. Owen, proposed a new
statement of the doctrine of character; which, while it recognises the
causation of
the will, admits a self-determining power in man, which justifies
instruction being given to him, and appeals being made to him. One who is
in
the foremost rank of those who have thrown light over ravelled questions
of controversy, remarks, "Instead of saying that man is the creature of
circumstance, it would be nearer the mark to say that man is the architect
of circumstance." [97]
It would, therefore, be unjust to imply that adversaries, clerical or lay,
always gratuitously misunderstood questions. There were statements made,
which
often left them open to honest misconception. The great masters of
statements some times fail to convey an exact impression of their meaning.
I have
seen Mr. Cobden look at his words as though they were palpable to him in
the air, retracting doubtful terms, amplifying the deficient, and
qualifying those
that went too far. Those who had none of Mr. Cobden's experience and
sagacity, must have misled many fair-meaning opponents.
Mr. Owen gave emphasis to the doctrine of the mighty influence of material
things over man for good or evil, because that was not acknowledged then. As
far as belief was concerned, that, he said, was so entirely commanded by
evidence, that a man could not be held responsible for conclusions which
evidence justified.
There is one town (Leicester) where social views early took root—where a
few men of strong understanding, of unusual dispassionateness, have,
during
more than two generations, maintained public interest in social ideas. What may be called the Leicester principle of controversy is to question
and try all
assertions. No person in the society meetings there advances any
propositions except under the condition of submitting them to discussion. Dr.
Brindley, when I last met him on a platform, proposed to debate the
question of Atheism. This I refused to do, as it would lead the public to
confound
atheistic with secular principles. That the pretensions of dogmatic Theism
should not be advanced unquestioned, Mr. Josiah Gimson, a resident
engineer in the town, met Dr. Brindley several nights in succession,
contributing greatly to the public information upon the subject. Elsewhere
no instance
has occurred in which a private gentleman had stepped forward in this way
to discuss such a topic—the town fully understood and respected the
courage
and independence of the proceeding on
his part. This was in 1873. Professor Tyndall, after one of his addresses
at the Dundee meeting of the British Association, which had somewhat
amazed the Duke of Buccleugh, the president for the year, said generously
to the present writer, in reference to the toleration of modern
controversies, "We do but reap where you [which included colleagues with whom I had acted]
have sown."
Jeremy Taylor, nearly two hundred years before Owen, wrote: "No man can
change his opinion when he will, or be satisfied in his reason that his
opinion
is false, because discountenanced. If a man could change his opinion when
he lists, he might cure many inconveniences of his life; all his fears
and his
sorrows would soon disband, if he would but alter his opinion, whereby he
is persuaded that such an accident that afflicts him is an evil, and such
an
object formidable; let him but believe himself impregnable, or that he
receives a benefit when he is plundered, disgraced, imprisoned, condemned,
and
afflicted, neither his sleep need be disturbed, nor his quietness
discomposed. But if a man cannot change his opinion when he lists, nor
ever does
heartily or resolutely but when he cannot do otherwise, then to use force
may make him a hypocrite, but never to be a right believer; and so,
instead of erecting a trophy to God and true religion, we build a monument
for the devil." [98]
The conclusiveness of these authorities availed us nothing. It was
regarded as a new sin in the social party to show that eminent men had
agreed in
principle with them. Vindictiveness of the enemy harmed the movement by
making many resentful and retaliative, prone to follow the advice of St.
Just,
who destroyed many excellent reformers by his maxim that they who attempt
half measures dig their own graves. But St. Just's maxim did not keep
him alive long enough to observe that they who insist upon whole measures
while they are only half supported, commonly get themselves and their
cause
into the sexton's hands very early.
Only theorists talk of truth being immortal—I have seen it put to death
many times. Lord Brougham in his day succeeded in terrifying Parliament
into
toleration of unpopular opinions, by contending that nothing could extend
them but persecution. If brave men stand by unfriended truth, persecution
will
spread it. If the timid, or ease-loving, or the timeserving, have truth in
hand, persecution well directed, will soon put it down. This is the real
reason
why persecution is intrinsically hateful.
Other agitations brought into play the passions: of the social agitation
it must be owned that it appealed to the understanding only, and made men
inquiring
and reflective. The intellect let loose proved no wild animal needing a
chain to restrain it, as Cardinal Newman [99] asserts, but a salutary and
self-managing
agent, active in improving individual character.
Adversaries of the Socialists were not dainty in their imputations. The
Rev. Mr. Anderson, of Glasgow was a man of character and talent, and of
generous political sympathies, and from whom in later years I oft had the
pleasure, through my friend Mr. William Logan, a wise city missionary, to
receive
valued communications; yet in his vehement days Dr. Anderson called the "Very Reverend and Preliminary Social Father"
an "Incestuous Profligate." But this was not very objectionable, in a
rhetorical sense; for when an angry adversary departs from the truth the
farther he
departs the better, and he is placed by the concurrence of common judgment
outside the
pale of those who are to be regarded. Some opponents did not know the
truth when they saw it, and did not speak it even by
mistake. Some of them did garble with an ability that would have entitled
them to a prize medal, had there been any board of examiners to award
distinction to that kind of merit; but in controversy he who recognises
these peculiarities arrests altogether the progress of his arguments, and
invites
attention to the adversary instead of the subject.
In February, 1834, the "Rev. Dr. Redford" published a letter in the
Worcester Journal, against Mr. Owen. The Crisis, following the policy of
helping the
enemy to abuse its friends, published this letter, which I shall not
reproduce.
In Worcester, the religious opposition to co-operative speeches amounted
to violence. It was only by the effort of a strong-handed carpenter, whom
I well
knew, and in whose house I subsequently lived, one Robert Jones, that Mr.
Owen's
life was saved from an infuriated mob. [100] The Rev. Dr. Redford
was an adversary who went great lengths. In a public discussion, he
committed upon Mr. Owen an indignity which created a stronger hostility to
Christianity than anything else
which had occurred in the Midland counties. He made a motion of flinging
the contents of his nose into Mr. Owen's face.
Mr. Alexander Campbell, the most fatherly-minded of all the missionaries,
whose voice sounded like a truce, was forcibly prevented preaching the new
gospel of industry on Glasgow Green on Sundays. It was a common thing to
have halls refused after they had been duly let, and no County Court
Judge in those days would award any damages for a breach of faith. Riots
took place at the Broadmead Rooms, Bristol, upon the "social
innovators." No doubt the innovators often retaliated but
the imitation generally fell far short of the original. [101]
In Bristol there was a dangerous fight through the narrow passage leading
to the Broadmead Rooms, occupied by the Socialists in that city. Workmen
were sometimes dismissed who were observed to have a copy of the New
Moral
World in their possession. In some cases clergymen refused to bury
co-operators, and in one case a sexton refused to dig a a grave for a
Socialist's child.
Mr. Connard, a well-known speaker, who became an insolvent, was
stigmatised as deranged because he honourably refused to make oath, as not
in
accordance with his conscience, and Mr. Commissioner Reynolds sent him
back to prison with many words of outrage when he could otherwise have
discharged him. Mr. Connard was kept in prison many months, as a
punishment for his creditable scruples. The Rev. Mr. Giles, a Baptist
minister of disagreeable ability, said "Socialism was a union of all practices, save
those of chastity and virtue." Had the showers of denunciation been
material, like hail
or rain, the pioneers would have lost their hats, and their garments would
have been sodden.
When Mr. Owen was a boy, he swallowed some scalding food in his anxiety to
reach his school early. His digestion was very much weakened by it, he
was obliged to be very careful in the food which he took. In
illustrating his belief of the influence of circumstances, he related this
event as one
which early disposed him to observation and care. With his oft
indifference to what advantage might be taken of a casual expression, he
mentioned that the food which he partook, common in Wales in his youth,
was called flummery. As this word was a slang term for untrustworthy
speech,
clerical speakers thought it an excellent point to say that the social
system began in flummery. [102] This was deemed very witty, and always
produced peals
of laughter.
In Runcorn, a Mrs. Johnson left the Established Church and went over to
the Wesleyan chapel. She was called upon to
explain her proceeding. She replied that it was on account of her Sunday
pie being exactly done when the Methodist chapel came out; whereas
when she attended the church it was always overdone. The good woman
regulated her piety by
her pastry, a circumstance which influenced her faith. When the familiar
vehicle we now see in the streets without terror first appeared in a
university
county, a peasant, in the vicinity of an Oxfordshire village, ran one
night to warn the inhabitants that a frightened monster with saucer eyes,
and making a
strange noise, was coming towards the place. Those who had
courage got behind the hedge to look. The monster turned
out to be a post-chaise, [103] with two lamps. The clergy always mistook
social science for an Oxford post-chaise, and ran out to alarm the people.
A fair, a clever, and gentlemanly opponent met with great respect and
regard when one appeared, which was very seldom. The Rev. J. H. Roebuck
held a
public discussion with Mr. Owen, in Manchester, in 1837. He was a Wesleyan
of remarkable ability and remarkable fairness, and the distinctness of his
objections were well seen in consequence. Though he was, therefore, a more
influential adversary than vituperative ones, he was always spoken of with
respect, and his early death was sincerely deplored.
The old pioneers of Co-operation stood up for liberty and relevance of
speech. Some thought toleration meant indifference to what opinion
prevailed. This
was the mistake which some still make. Toleration means anxiety for the
truth: it means ardour for the truth: it means confidence in the truth. It believes that truth, like fire, is excited by collision, and that no
truth can be known to
be true, save that
which has passed through the ordeal of controversy. Toleration means giving new truth fair play. Intolerance, which is prohibition,
gives it none. The conditions of truth are now well ascertained to be
liberty of
expression, and of criticism; it is not he who is tolerant of these, but
he who is intolerant of them, who is indifferent to the truth, and upon
whom the stigma
of looseness and latitudinarianism of mind ought to fall.
CHAPTER XII.
EARLY ADVOCATES
"So when the Parthian turned his steed,
And from the hostile camp withdrew,
With cruel skill the backward reed
He sent; and as he fled he slew." |
LOUIS BLANC has described the
Jacobin as powerful, original, sombre; half agitator and half statesman;
half Puritan and half monk; half inquisitor and half tribune. The
co-operative advocates were not wanting in some of these qualities; and in
perseverance and propagandist capacity they surpassed all working—class
advocates of their time. They certainly were not demagogues, as any
one may see from the definition of a modern writer who comprises in one
short passage a complete study of those troublesome persons. [104]
Our early advocates chose the unpopular side, which was ill-requited; they
believed in their measures themselves, their lives and industry alike
commanded respect, and their disinterestedness was shown in persisting in
a course which was far from bringing them flattering recognition.
The Duke of Wellington, when they were brought under his notice, admitted
they were clever, but added, in his coarse, vindictive way, "they were
clever devils." With more discrimination and courtesy, as
befitted his station, the Bishop of London said of these social reformers,
that, though they were generally men of "some education," their deficiency
was that "they were wanting in humble docility, that prostration of the
understanding ana will, which are indispensable to Christian
instruction." No doubt they were open to this charge; want of
"humble docility" was conspicuous in them. It never occurred to them
to "prostrate their understanding." The use of it seemed to them the only
way of making out how things stood.
These adventurous and unskilled social navigators had to pull
their frail skiffs through rough waters. At that time society
abounded with persons—they are not yet quite extinct—who would never do
anything for the workman except think for him. They would neither
find him work nor bread, but they would supply him with opinions, either
religious or political, readymade. These people gave a very poor
account of social projects. The political economist considered them
the dream of folly—the clergyman, of wickedness—the statesman, of
insubordination—the employer, of idleness—the rich man, of plunder—the
capitalist, of confiscation—the journalist, of demagogism.
Co-operation in its early days was somewhat ramshackle.
Mostly pale and thin, these amateur shopmen looked as though they needed
themselves to eat up the commodities they tried to sell. What business
they did was done in an unusual way. Every crotchet that thickened the air
of Utopia was proclaimed at their doors. Poets, enthusiasts, dreamers;
reformers of all things, and the baser sort of disbelievers in any, gave
them a turn: for, as we all know, a nimble eccentricity always treads on
the heels of change. [105]
There was nobody so mad but their right to improve the world was
respected; there was not a regenerating lunatic at large who did not
practise upon them. The philosophers were scandalised at them, the
political economists shook their heavy heads at them—the newspapers were
scornful—politicians in Parliament proposed to put them down—bishops
interdicted them in the House of Lords—and the clergy consigned them
individually and collectively to perdition. Luckily the honest
fellows had a well-instructed patience. Their advocates served them
well, teaching them that every creature must be allowed to articulate
after its kind, and would do better if it only knew how. The
heretics, who were their only friends, eventually silenced the clamour;
and the men of sense and purpose made their way to the front, and
Co-operation got a hearing, and grew in favour with men.
As in all new parties, and as for that in old ones too, at
times there were figures in the social landscape that attracted attention,
without enticing adherents. Fastidious friends of progress were not
pleased that the prominent advocate of the system should be an Irish
philosopher—Mr. Thompson, of Cork—who was against large families, and in
favour of dissection. Social Reformers, not knowing how to
subordinate without discouraging the just efforts of others, became the
Nursing Mother of all the "Crazes" of the day.
There was a Dr. McCormac, of Dublin, who, being like Bentham,
a philosopher above vulgar prejudice, prominently advocated that all
co-operators should leave their bodies for anatomical purposes. He
was called the "Skeleton-Man" of the movement; and some Christian
partisans did not hesitate to say that Mr. Owen wanted to get men into
communities in order to sell their bodies for dissection. Every
friend of the new system was supposed already to have sold his soul to a
certain eminent and enterprising contractor for that article. As to
Mr. Owen, it must be owned charity was his sole religion, and this was a
religion which God may recognise but which has not found favour in the
world yet; and one which had no followers in Mr. Owen's days except a few
perilous persons, of whom the Rev. Robert Hall, with his fine talent for
contemptuousness, said "lived in the frigid zone of Christianity."
Mr. Owen himself was called the "Circumstantial Philosopher"—a name not
without honour, for circumstances were in very bad want of a philosopher.
One of the strange and inexplicable figures that flitted
about the early co-operative movement was a gentleman who usually signed
himself as P. Baume, "reforming optimist." [106]
In after-years two or three other initials would appear between the P. and
the B. Who, indeed, he was, or whence he came, nobody ever knew.
Common repute said he acquired a fortune as a foreign spy. If so, it
was doubtless in the interest of freedom, for he always appeared to care
for it. He had spent the greater part of a long and wondrously
active life in bequeathing property which nobody ever came to possess.
For thirty years there was hardly any meeting held anywhere in reference
to social reform at which he was not present in some part. He was
ubiquitous. In distant towns, in Manchester or Liverpool, the eyes
in search of mysterious faces would be sure to light, in some quarter of
the room, upon a disguised figure, whose brilliant, penetrating eye alone
revealed his identity.
Mr. Baume had what he called Experimental Gardens, in the New
North Road, leading from Battle Bridge to Holloway, where he invited all
practical men and women to meet him, with a view to agree upon something
which would settle everything. The presumption is that they never did
agree upon anything, since everything has not been settled yet. His
proposal at that time was to establish a Co-operative College, for which
purpose he said he would unhesitatingly and most cheerfully give up to
them his most valuable leases and ground rents—several extensive plots
for building and gardening ground, fourteen acres altogether, his funded
property, his ready money, in a word, everything he possessed; "including
his most unrelenting exertions through life." Mr. Baume had made a
proposition to advance money to any amount, and on the most liberal terms,
to any carpenter or bricklayer willing to build cottages on his land, on speculation, or for the location of their families. He stated then that
all his property was vested in the hands of trustworthy characters; his
unremitting exertions being devoted to the establishment of a Co-operative
College and Community.
At one of Mr. Owen's Sunday lectures he sent a little boy with a note,
saying the lad had been born three years before, and had been entrusted to
his care,
but he had never allowed him to be christened because he had never found
any character in history sufficiently perfect to warrant him in adopting
his name; but now Julian Hibbert was dead, he requested Mr. Owen to
christen him
by that name. Mr. Owen, and many of his disciples after him, were
accustomed to christen children who were brought to them, and they
commonly made
little speeches to the parents, counselling them to remember how much
sensible treatment and pure material conditions might influence the child
for good.
This gentleman continued to give his property away. He
gave it to nearly every community that was formed. He gave
it to the United Kingdom Alliance. He has given it to the co-operators,
and to other persons and parties, certainly too numerous to mention. A
considerable portion of his property lay in the neighbourhood of Colney
Hatch. He always professed to be afraid that some one would confine him in
a
lunatic asylum, and yet he established himself in the neighbourhood of
one. There was not the slightest fear for him. There was no
asylum which
would
have undertaken to manage him. He would have driven the governors and
directors all mad in a month, by the inexhaustible fertility of his
projects.
He was quite sincere in saying he would give the whole of his possessions
away, as well as his "unrelenting life exertions," for he appeared never
to
require anything whatever to live upon. A few peas, which he commonly
carried in his pocket, seemed to be his chief source of subsistence. With
ample
means he would live in one obscure room, or rent a railway arch, and
deposit himself there, and he did not, like the parties in Mr. Pickwick,
select the dry
ones, but took a damp one as being the cheapest. He would carry about with
him bundles of bank-notes in a dress-coat pocket, and keep a small live
monkey there; so that if any adventurous hand found its way there, it
would meet with a very unexpected remonstrance. His property, at the site
of the
Experimental Gardens, lay over what is now known as the Caledonian Road,
and the Pentonville Prison part, and had he retained it a few years longer
than
he did, he might have derived an immense income from it. At that time his
land was covered with furze and mysterious-looking cottages, in one of
which he
lived. It was known as the "Frenchman's Island," where very unpleasant
visitors
were frequently attracted; but as he was known to go about at night with
a pistol in his pocket, and as he was very likely to fire it, and knew
perfectly well
how to do it, a good deal of curiosity was repressed by that peculiar
reputation. He had projects for a community experiment there, and he
brought more scandal upon the cause by his eccentric proposals than any other man.
One of the curious enthusiasts of 1837 was Samuel Bower, of Bradford. He
was one of the abstemious co-operators who lived, like the Reforming
Optimist, chiefly upon grey peas, of which he carried a supply about, and
strenuously insisted
that that peculiar diet should be universally adopted. Nevertheless, he
was a strong-thinking man, and had many useful and self-denying views,
which he illustrated in many curious and impracticable papers.
There were many among the advocates whose position and attainments
commanded respect, else the movement could never have attained the
ascendancy it did. One who remained longest known was "Dr. King, of
Brighton." [107] This gentleman was educated for the Church, at Trinity
College,
Cambridge. He married a daughter of Dr. Hook,
Vicar of Rottingdean. He subsequently adopted the medical profession, from
intellectual preference, and settled in Brighton, where he originated
and edited the first publication,
called the Co-operator. He was a man of notable friendships, and promoted
many liberal movements in conjunction with Dr. Birkbeck, Ricardo,
Owen, and Lord Brougham. His daughter married Mr. John Robertson, well
known as one of the early editors of the Westminster Review, during Mr.
Mill's
connection with it. Dr. King was justly considered one of the founders of
Co-operation.
Dr. King continued his interest in Co-operation until the end of his life. On entering his eightieth year he wrote to the
Co-operator a letter as
enthusiastic as
those he wrote half a century earlier, and which might have been
written by a young convert. He had the honour of being consulted by Lady
Noel Byron, who had contributed f300 towards the success of a productive
association established among those Brighton societies.
Dr. King's Co-operator was a source of inspiration in many parts of the
country, mere fragments of numbers being treasured up by the recipients. Stores
have been founded in consequence of their perusal. The fairness, temper,
and the certain moderation of tone rendered Dr. King's little paper, all
the
articles being written by himself, one of the wisely influential precursors
of Co-operation.
P. O. Skene, Esq., who is always mentioned as an "Esq.," appears
frequently in early co-operative reports as a promoter, contributor, and
medium by
whom ladies and others made contributions. There was also a Mr. G. R.
Skene, his brother; but being less personally distinguished he is
described as Mr.
G. R. Skene. Being very watchful and workful as a secretary, he deserves
equal mention in these pages. In those days, when Co-operation was
struggling,
it was no doubt necessary to mark when one of its adherents held a
position of more conventional respectability than others. "Philip O. Skene,
Esq.," was
really a very accomplished gentleman, an eminent teacher of languages in
his day. He held a German class in the upper room of the first-named
London
Co-operative Store, 19, Greville Street, Hatton Garden. Mr. J. S. Mill and
Mr. J, A. Roebuck, when young men, were among the remarkable pupils who
attended.
The Times of 1837 gave a very honourable notice of Philip Orkney Skene. "His father, Major Skene, and grandfather, Governor Skene, were both
attainted
of high treason against the United States, as British Loyalists; and his
great-grandfather was attainted of high treason in the rebellion of 1715. The
Times
stated that the Earl of Fife, who is a branch of the Skene family, had
taken the estate which had previously descended from father to son for
eight
hundred years in the Skene family. Before Philip O, Skene was twenty years
of age, he was sent to superintend the erection of the military
fortification
at Hoy Island, in the
Orkneys. He joined the English army, entering Paris, in 1815, and from his
great knowledge of the French and
German languages, was appointed to attend the Crown Prince of Prussia,
whose sovereign, in distinction of his services, presented Mr. Skene with
a
valuable ring, set with numerous brilliants. After attaining much
scientific distinction abroad, he returned to England, entered the Middle
Temple, and ate
several terms; when Mr. Owen's efforts at New Lanark, in its best days,
so impressed his mind, that he devoted afterwards much of his time and
means
to promoting similar objects. Mr. Skene died at the age of 44, at Lewes,
from exhaustion, after a protracted state of debility, brought on by
over-exertion in
his duties as surveyor of roads, a post which he had held for several
years." The Times added, that "he left elementary works in German,
Italian, French,
Spanish, Latin, and Greek, besides works which bear other names than his."
At the (Third) Co-operative Congress, of 1832, a very remarkable letter
was received from a distinguished man, Leigh Hunt, who dated it from 5,
York
Buildings, New Road, London. He alleged that "increasing avocations and
ill-health alone prevented his attendance." Happily neither killed him
until nearly
thirty years later. He stated he believed he was the first journalist who
endeavoured to impress upon the public the propriety of considering Mr.
Owen's
views. Touching the supposed contradiction between the claims of this life
and a future one, he cited what was said by a wise man, "that it would be
a very strange and ungrateful thing if we behaved ourselves gloomily or indifferently in a beautiful garden which some friend gave us, because by
and by he had promised us a better."
Another name, always one of interest and respect, was that of Mr. Thomas Allsop, who, to the manners and cultivation of a gentleman, united an
originality
of sentiment and generous enthusiasm for political as well as social
change, displayed with the same force and boldness by no other adherent of
social
views. A member of the Stock Exchange, he understood the conditions of
business as well as those of the social state contemplated. He was the
adviser of Feargus O'Connor in his best days, and conferred upon him the
necessary property qualification which Mr. O'Connor did not possess when
he
was first elected a member of Parliament
viz., £300 a year derived from land. On one occasion Mr. Allsop, who was
also connected with a large and fashionable business in Regent Street,
alarmed the law courts and the press by refusing to be sworn upon a grand
jury, on which he had often served, on the ground that he objected to find
a
prisoner guilty, alleging as a reason that in every part of London the
criminal class was recruited by flagrant social neglect. This was done for
the express
purpose of forcing public attention to the subject. Such an act by one in
Mr. Allsop's position produced a great impression. [108] In the late Mr.
Justice Talfourd's
memorial of Charles Lamb, the reader will find graceful acknowledgments of
Mr. Allsop's long and helpful friendship to the great Essayist.
Another writer, who impressed society with the opinion that persons of
taste and means were favourable to social views, was Mr. John Minter
Morgan,
author of "Hampden in the Nineteenth Century." This work appeared in two
handsome volumes, and was printed in the costliest manner of books, with
original copperplate illustrations of great skill, of good design, and
finished execution, in mezzotint. Some of the scenes, dramatic and
communistic,
surpass in conception anything produced either before or since. The events
of the story carry the reader into the highest society, and the dialogues
conducted with the most eminent men of the day are gracefully
rendered—their known and published sentiments being skilfully interwoven
in the speeches
made. If cooperative views had always been presented with as much
judgment, they would have made wider way in the world. Mr. Morgan wrote
other
works, as the "Reproof of Brutus," and the "Revolt of the Bees," which
attracted considerable attention in their day. The "Reproof of Brutus" was
written in
verse, but excited no jealousy among the poets of his time.
When a young man, Mr. Morgan displayed more courage than was to be
expected from his gentle character. He appeared as a lecturer in the
theatre at
the Mechanics' Institution in defence of Mr. Owen's Sunday lectures. Mr.
Morgan's lecture was delivered on Thursday, May 6, 1830. Mr. Owen had been
permitted to deliver Sunday lectures in that theatre morning, afternoon,
and evening, on the "Moral and Social Duties of Man." The clergy, however,
had
interfered. Bishop Blomfield had spoken at King's College and said that
"all other sciences and acquirements than those of the Church of England
and
Ireland ought to be held subservient to those principles of action
furnished by the doctrines of the Gospel." The members of the Mechanics'
Institution were
compelled, in deference to clerical opinion, to recommend a discontinuance
of the Sunday morning lectures, as they were delivered during the hour of
divine service. Mr. Tooke, the eminent solicitor of the institution, gave
it as his opinion that the lectures were illegal, besides being calculated
to
compromise the usefulness of the institution. Mr. Tooke is mentioned by
Mr. Morgan, who said that he had consulted with Mr. Brougham on the
subject, who entirely concurred in that view. Mr. Morgan said that if Mr.
Brougham was right in his opinion as to the lectures being illegal, it was
incumbent on him, who stood so committed to the cause of mental liberty,
to move
the repeal of the Act. The Act is still unrepealed. Lord Amberley boldly
endeavoured to procure its repeal. By ignominious evasions, lectures
have continued to be delivered in London since; but as often as
Christianity opens its dangerous eyes, and chooses to make itself
offensive, it sends the
philosophers home mute, with their lectures in their pockets. [109] Those who
think that social reformers have at times troubled themselves needlessly
with
theology should take into account that their way has been blocked up by it
all their days. Mr. Morgan, later in life, took fruitless trouble to
induce the clergy to
interest themselves in social reform. Gentlemen who were his guests at
Sackville Street still tell how they were always escorted after dinner to
see his
model of a community, in which a church formed one
of the ornaments. Mr. Morgan made his fortune as a papermaker, which is
probably one reason why he excelled other social writers in producing
elegantly-printed books, whose clear and thick leaves and broad margins
felt in the hard like a lucid and substantial argument.
Mr. William Pare was the first recognised co-operative lecturer, and the
most persuasive and persistently practical of them all. The editor of
The
Co-operative Miscellany, of 1830, introduced him for the first time to
its readers in curious deferential terms as being their "very respectable
and
indefatigable friend." His first lecture was delivered where he spoke
three times, in the Music Hall, Bold Street, Liverpool. There were four
co-operative
societies established in Liverpool at that time.
Mr. Thompson, of Cork, had the merit of satisfying Mr. William Pare of the
utility and practicability of the co-operative system. His conviction
was
converted into ardour by Mr. Thompson's "Enquiry into the Distribution of
Wealth." Mr. Pare first appears in co-operative literature at the
anniversary of the
first Birmingham Co-operative Society, at which he presided, on the 28th
of December, 1829, at the Vauxhall Tavern, Ashted. Nearly a hundred
persons
were present, including some thirty of the members' wives, for
co-operative tea-parties were from the first sociable, and included wives
and children as
well as husbands. Mr. Pare began by proposing the health of "the king in
his social capacity of father of his people," which denoted the
benevolence rather
than the accuracy of the social imagination of the period. Mr. Pare quite
understood then, and expressed at that early date, the policy of
Co-operation as
being "a scheme of voluntary equality"; and contended that the English
were not to be confounded with French agitators. "The French," he said,
"worked by
force, the English by persuasion. The French cried 'Down with the
aristocrats!' the co-operators said 'Let them alone.'" Mr. James Guest,
the well-known bookseller of Birmingham, was vice-president on the
occasion, and gave "Success to the numerous co-operative societies then
established in England, Scotland, and America." One of the toasts was "The
immortal memory of John Bellers, the first known projector of a
co-operative community in England."
The sixth number of the United Trades' Co-operative Journal records that
on Tuesday evening, March 30, 1830, Mr. Pare, the corresponding secretary
to the First Birmingham Co-operative Society, delivered his first public
lecture at the Mechanics' Institution, Manchester, remarking—"Mr. Pare
is a young man of very extensive practical information, deeply impressed
with the evils which afflict the working classes of this Country, and most
zealous
in his endeavours to disseminate that information which he thinks must
ultimately produce a beneficial effect."
At Manchester, later in the year, he held a meeting at the house of one of
the members of the first society, which was well attended, several persons
were
present belonging to the Stockport society. On three successive evenings
he spoke in the theatre of the Mechanics' Institution. At his first
lecture there
were not less than one thousand persons present. Mr. Owen seldom
distinguished any of his adherents
by notice, but in Mr. Pare's case he did. He said, describing a visit he
(Mr. Owen) made to Birmingham: "I found him engaged in the business of
railways,
which he appears to understand in his department of it, if we are to judge
from the approbation he has received from the committees of both
Houses of Parliament." [110] This instance shows with what judgment Mr. Owen
could praise when he chose. Nothing could be more delicate, indirect,
and uncompromising. Had he said more, or said it differently, it might
have been disastrous to Mr. Pare. For more than forty years Mr. Pare was
the
tireless expositor of social principles. He learned early from Robert Owen
the golden principle which Leigh Hunt so finely expressed, that "the
errors of
mankind proceed more from defect of knowledge than from defect
of goodness." All the acerbities which ever arise in any of our societies
arise from members who do not know this, or who forget it if they do. Mr.
Pare
seldom forgot it. His angerless voice and his pleasant patience were
an endowment as strong as his general zeal, which never hasted and never
rested
until envious death took him from us.
Besides Mr. Pare, Mr. Hawkes Smith, and Mr. Murphy, there was Mr. John Rabone, also of Birmingham, whose pen was often to be met with in early
co-operative literature. His letters in the volumes of the Crisis were
always earnestly and pleasantly written, mainly appealing to Christians to
recognise the
spirit of Christianity in co-operative effort. It was his writings which
first caused the name "Christian
Socialist" to be used, and in 1837 persons began to sign themselves by
that name.
Another man of mark and promise in the early social movement was Rowland Detrosier, who died prematurely very much regretted by all politicians of
the
people in every part of Great Britain. Though well cared for at times by
opulent friends, he had no sustained support, and exposure upon a coach,
after a
night lecture, when he was in a weakly state, brought on inflammation of
the lungs, which killed him. [111] He was a man of greater promise than any
who
arose among the political and co-operative classes, and had he lived he
would have been a leader. He had all the qualities of knowledge,
enthusiasm,
geniality, respect for the convictions of others, and powers of commanding
address. Detrosier was the natural son of Mr. Robert Norris, of
Manchester, and was abandoned, when a boy, by his French mother, whose
name he bore. He was put to the trade of a fustian cutter. At nineteen
he unfortunately married. By self-study, continued when he and his family
were nearly famishing, he taught himself French and Latin, and acquired a
knowledge of the sciences, which enabled him to lecture upon them in a
manner which few professional lecturers of the day could
excel, in communicating animated knowledge. He preached in a Swedenborgian
chapel in Hulme, where he used to astonish the congregation by filling
his pulpit with geological specimens, and placing electric and galvanic
machines on the desk where his Bible and hymn-book should lie. He had the
distinction of founding the first two Mechanics' Institutions ever
established in England. As he had no support but that which his daily
labour brought him,
he often suffered extreme distress. His reputation, however,
reached London, where he was welcomed. Jeremy Bentham had been so struck
by some of his discourses that he sent him a present of his books,
and showed him marks of flattering regard until his death. Lady Noel Byron
sent him £20, and often invited him to her house in London. Mr. Mordan is
said
to have bestowed some of the earlier proceeds of his gold pens upon him,
and Mr. John Stuart Mill not only befriended him while he lived, but
befriended
his family for many years after his death. It was, however, Leigh Hunt to
whom he was indebted for his introduction to London: his name was first
mentioned in a generous and discerning article in the Examiner, Leigh Hunt
being greatly struck, as everybody was at that time, by his lecture on the
Necessity of the Extension of Moral and Political
Instruction among the Working Class. Detrosier had a voice and eloquence
resembling Lord Brougham's, and his mind was distinguished by rapidity and
power.
Mr. James Watson, one of those few publishers of forbidden literature, who
gave consideration how far the reputation of his party might be promoted
by his
judgment in the books he sold, and by his personal probity, came up from
Leeds, when a young man, to take the place of one of Carlile's shopmen,
500 of
whom were imprisoned for selling unstamped publications, a fate which very
soon befel Mr. Watson. He is recorded as acting as a co-operative
missionary in Leeds, Halifax, Barnsley, Todmorden, and other places in
connection with the British Association for Promoting Co-operative
Knowledge. He
is spoken of as "the first missionary to the country, and as having done
great and permanent good." In one of his speeches Mr. Watson put the case
of the
working class co-operators in a suggestive form, thus:—"The co-operators
would have those who had hitherto lived
upon the labour of others henceforth live upon their own capital. They
would then discover how long it would last"—unless recruited by the
exertions of the
industrious.
The name of Mr. Henry Hetherington appears as far back as the report of
the fourth quarterly meeting of the British Association for the Promotion
of
Co-operative Knowledge, 1830, when he was elected one of the committee of
the first Soho society. He was another publisher distinguished by a long
career of peril. Straightforward, intelligent, hearty, genial, he was best
known by the Poor Man's Guardian, which he edited, printed, and published,
when no
one else out of prison could be found to undertake the peril of it.
Another man of subsequent note, who took part in the early Congresses, was
Mr. James Bronterre O'Brien, then the editor of the Midland
Representative.
He subsequently suffered imprisonment in the cause of Chartism. An
animated and able speaker, of very varied information, and possessing a
considerable knowledge both of French and English literature, he was
regarded as the political schoolmaster of the Chartists, but, like most
Irishmen, his
genius lay much in suspicion, in which he excelled; and he undid, by the
distrust which he diffused, the good he was capable of accomplishing by
his
generous fervour. He it was who
translated Buonarroti's "History of Babœuf," as we have said elsewhere. Bronterre had all the geniality of his countrymen. It was pleasant to be
his friend.
Among other qualifications for the millennium displayed by energetic
Socialists, was that of originality in figures of speech. One of the
greatest
masters in the rhetoric of the "New Moral World" was Mr. Joseph Smith, of
Salford. When the Queenwood community was in force he went about
the country collecting sheep with which to stock the farm. His plan was to
rise at the end of a public meeting, and propose that all who had
enthusiastically passed communist resolutions should prove their sincerity
by joining there and then in subscribing a sum sufficient to buy a sheep. The
most ardent who had held up their hands in favour of the motion of the
evening, were not always prepared to put them in their pockets. To incline the surprised enthusiasts to that operation, Mr. Smith would
apprise them that he had ordered the doors to be locked, so that no one
could
leave until the price of the
sheep arrived on the platform. Then he would say they had bought a
community, they must pay for the community, and they must stock the
community, "else they would all fall into the abyss which was hanging
over their heads." In view of this unforeseen calamity, reluctant
shillings were
produced until the market price of the coveted sheep was made up. When
this was done, they were rewarded by being assured by Mr. Smith that "now
they would all sail into port on the top of their watch-towers," a kind of
vessel quite unknown to Her Majesty's constructor of the navy. This
inventive
rhetorician was described in the organ of the society as "the high priest
of the New Moral World."
On other occasions he proved himself not deficient in old-world
illustration. He had been descanting with his accustomed fervour upon
the deceptions of
competitive commerce, when a curious auditor put the question—what did he
mean by deception? The ardent and good-natured orator, who was
commonly right when he felt, and wrong when he thought, had probably never
given a public definition in his life, and
was without any idea how to define deception. The meeting was large,
hostile, and impatient, and the hesitation of the lecturer was loudly
resented,
when it suddenly occurred to Mr. Smith that his head was quite bald, and
his black, curly, and unsuspected locks were not his own, so he boldly
snatched
off his wig and exclaimed "That is deception." His raven hair, hanging
in his hand like a scalp, and the sudden sight of his unimagined and naked
pate
was so ludicrous, that his adversaries were confounded and convinced, and
with the generosity of an English audience, the enemy applauded him as
heartily as his friends.
In those exalted days social editorial art went for nothing. No one
troubled himself as to how the world would regard his language. Just as
the early apostles
never reflected how distracted fathers of the future Church would labour
to reconcile their sayings (believing, as they did, that the end of all
things was at
hand, and there never would be any fathers to be perplexed), so these
social seers expected that the "old immoral world" was played out, and
that nobody
in the new substitute they had in hand could ever heed anything said or
done in it. Their least impulsive writer called the attention of two
counties "to the
active, the energetic, the devoted Fleming," [112] I and the editor asked
"Where did Joseph Smith get his superior spirit of prophecy, and give us
tablets of
remembrance chiselled as it were in alabaster for purity, and
gold for splendour and endurance." [113] I first visited him in 1879 at Wissahiccon, in America, where he kept a hotel whose great attraction was
a large
room, where ranging around it were small bushes of the district, on the
branches of which he had carved, with his own hand, hundreds of political
coteries,
known to all the land—so life-like and natural, with likenesses so
unmistakable, that they were the wonder and diversion of thousands of
visitors. Afterwards I sent him the first edition of these volumes, which
he had never seen, and his sudden joy at the remembrance of
him when he thought he had been forgotten—killed him. He had left England
more than thirty years then.
Mr. Finch was the earliest and greatest pamphleteer of the party. Mr. Owen
first introduced Mr. Finch to the co-operative public at his institution,
in Charlotte
Street, in 1834, as "a new labourer in the field." The "new labourer"
actually got inserted in the Liverpool Albion a series of letters on the "Fooleries of
Sectarianism." These "fooleries" were sincerities to those who
entertained them, and they naturally resented this mode of describing
them. But it is
always your religious man who is most offensive to pious people. A man who
dissents from the newspaper religions is respectful to them; and if he
cares to oppose them, reasons against them without offensive imputation:
but your religious mail, who has a little infallibility of his own, can
venture to
commit outrages on others, knowing that his rudeness will pass for holy
wrath.
In 1842, Mr. John Gray, of Faldonside, Galashiels, published "An
Efficient Remedy for the Distress of Nations." Mr. Owen having set a
fashion of devising "an entirely new system
of society," Mr. Gray put forth one. Society profits in a silent, sulky
way, by suggestions made to it: yet it dislikes any one
who proposes to overhaul it. Mr. Gray had a great plan of a Standard Bank
and Mint. The Duke of Wellington made known this year, in one of his
wonderful notes, that "he declined to receive the visits of deputations
from associations, or of individual gentlemen, in order to confer with
them on public
affairs; but if any gentleman thinks proper to give him, in writing,
information or instruction, on any subject, he
will peruse the same with attention." The modest, painstaking duke had not
Mr. Gray before his eyes when he said this. That gentleman would have
taken the duke at his word, and
soon have brought him to a standstill. The pleasantest part of Mr. Gray's "Efficient Remedy" is where he tells the reader that he had published a
previous
work which had not sold, so that in issuing another he could only be
actuated by a desire to advance the interests of mankind, and this was
true. He
was a well-meaning, disinterested, and uninteresting writer. His books
never sold, nor could they be given away; and there was for long a stock
at two
places in London where they could be had for the asking, and those who
applied were looked upon with favour.
Those who have read much of the rise and career of new opinions will be
aware that religious history would present a plentiful series of
ridiculous
situations and deplorable absurdities. And one reason why similar
eccentricities are continually being reproduced in new movements is
because party
historians do not think it a duty to relate them. If they did, they would
be warnings to ardent adherents to consider how they may best guard the
truth they
represent from misapprehension or dislike. It is true that many of the
disciples of social science were flaccid, dreaming people, possessed of a
feeble
goodness; but there were also a larger number of strong, wise,
cultivated, and determined adherents who sustained the movement when only
men of
courage would espouse it.
Eccentricities are not confined to any party; but when a party becomes
established, vagaries are set down to the conduct of irresponsible
individuals, by
whom nobody is bound; but in the case of an unpopular association every
act of folly is considered as its natural outcome.
Of the accredited representatives of Socialism who put S. M. after their
names, the first in order of editorial service is Mr. George Alexander
Fleming, who
was the chief editor of the official journal of the party. Mr. Fleming was
a native or Scotland, a man of considerable energy and maturity of self-acquired
talent. He wrote as well as he spoke. He was the first in office, and he
kept there. He was under no delusions of fervour, as others were
liable to be. His talent lay in making the movement safe rather than
great, and certainly there was room for his order of skill. He was
afterwards connected with journals immediately under his own management, always consistently
giving effect to the principles he early entertained. He died in the
service of the Morning Advertiser.
Mr. Lloyd Jones, who ought to be named next in order of platform
distinction, had the repute of having the best voice of any of the social
lecturers, and that
readiness of speech which
seems the common endowment of Irishmen. He was always regarded as the best
debater who appeared on the platform; and if it was possible to
perfect that talent by practice, he certainly had the opportunity, for
more discussion fell to his
lot than to any other of his compeers. To Mr. Jones belongs the
distinction of being the most active to defend social views when its
adherents were
weakest, and to meet more of the enemy when the enemy were strongest than
any other missionary. While he was a Manchester district missionary he
had continually to be despatched to meet furious adversaries, or furious
audiences. After a venomous tirade was delivered, he would present himself
to answer it, when it was matter or common experience that the confident
adversary, who had gone up like a rocket in his lecture, came down like a
stick
in the discussion. Mr. Jones joined the Salford Co-operative Society as
early as 1829, and was all his days an influential leader of the movement.
Mr. James Rigby was one of the earliest, merriest, and pleasantest
speakers among the missionaries. His vivacity of illustration was
remarkable.
He had genuine imagination;
not, perhaps, always well in hand. If he did not obscure the facts by the
fecundity of his fancy, he cast such a glamour over them that the hearer
forgot to look for them. As an expositor of Socialism, he was the most
fascinating of all his compeers. His vivacity, his graphic language, his
brightness of imagination, his agreeable garrulity, always made him a
popular speaker. He was long remembered for his happiness of expressing
the
immense hopes and prospects of the party without any sense whatever of the
limited means which alone were at the
command of social reformers to realise them. He first came into notice
from the active part he took in the laborious
agitation for the Ten Hours' Bill. After the fall of Queenwood, he was
associated with Mr. Owen as a personal attendant,
having charge of his manuscripts. He was entirely a communist, echoing
literally Mr. Owen's material views on that subject; but when a
semi-spiritualism came in after-days to be engrafted upon them by the
master, Mr. Rigby proved that, though he was a disciple, he was not a
follower in
the sense of departing
from the ancient way. He was with us when we buried Mr.
Owen at Newtown. Among all who stood at that grave, none
were so assiduous, so faithful, so wary, as he. When I went down to
relieve him late at night, as he kept watch over his master's tomb, it was
with
difficulty that he could be induced to go home, until I satisfied him that
certain fears which he entertained were all anticipated, and that no
unauthorised
hands could disturb those honoured remains. His faithful fears dated as
far back as the days of Julian Hibbert, at whose death Mr. Baume
interfered by
virtue of some personal warrant which he was understood to hold, and his
head was preserved for purposes of science. All his life Mr. Rigby
remained
constant to the abstemious habits of his youth, and died at fifty-six
years of age, without having tasted animal food. Up to the day of his
burial no
change from life was observable in his pleasant and placid countenance. Since I have often doubted whether he was really dead when I made an
oration
over his coffin.
The missionary who excelled all in vigour of speech, in wit, boldness, and
dramatic talent, was Charles Southwell, or London, the youngest of
thirty-six
children, with activity enough on the platform for them all.
The Bishop of Norwich, Dr. Bathurst, was the youngest of thirty-six
brothers and sisters. [114] So there was nothing heretical on Mr. Southwell's
part in this
peculiarity, for which, otherwise, he might have been held accountable. He was more brilliant than relevant. On one occasion he volunteered a
lecture on behalf of imprisoned colleagues, from which myself, Maltus
Questell Ryall, and William Chilton expected that some aid would arise. A
good audience was assembled at the City Road Hall of Science, the same
that Mr. Mordan provided for Detrosier. After Southwell had spoken
three-quarters of an hour it was remarked by us that he had not
arrived at his subject. Half an hour later he concluded amid a storm of
applause, when we said to him, "Why, Southwell,
you never mentioned your subject." "No," he added, "it did
not occur to me." And, to do him justice, neither did it occur to his
audience till next day, so much had he diverted and entertained them.
Ultimately Mr. Southwell left England, and settled in New Zealand, a
singularly unsuitable retreat for so fiery and
active a spirit, unless he intended to set up as a chieftain. On the
stage, on the platform, or in the secular press, he might have found a
congenial sphere; but nothing fell to him
available except the editorship of a Wesleyan newspaper. It must have been
a livelier publication in his hands than its
readers had known it before. Its orthodox articles must have
been written by proxy. When death befel him, as it did after a few years'
sojourn there, he was waited on by members of the proprietary whom he
served, to offer him the religious consolations available to that body,
and were surprised to be told by their patient that he had edited their
paper because no
other employment was open to him, but he never undertook to edit their
tenets. He, however, preferred to die in his own principles, which were
atheistic.
He probably never professed to be a Wesleyan, and they took his silence
for concurrence.
Frederick Hollick was a young Birmingham man, who cast his
lot with the social movement in 1837-8. He and the present writer were
townsmen, each engaged in mechanical industry, were fellow-students in the
same
Mechanics' Institution, both became speakers in the same movement, and
were nearly of the same name. But to Mr. Hollick belonged the palm of
seeing
more things at once, seeing them soon, seeing them clearly, and stating
them with a lucidity beyond any compeer of the social platform. When the
missionaries were dispersed he went to America, where he studied
dentistry and medicine, and published many works on physiology, and
acquired both
fortune and reputation; sixty years of absence have not diminished the
regard in which he was held in England.
Thomas Simmons Mackintosh was a Socialist lecturer of note
and popularity. He was a man of considerable scientific reading, and
published a book entitled the "Electrical Theory of
the Universe," which attracted attention. The simplicity and boldness of
his theory seemed true to those who did not understand it, or who did not
possess that reach of knowledge necessary
to verify so vast a theory. It certainly showed originality and great
capacity in focussing the limited electrical knowledge
which then existed. Mr. Mackintosh was a ready and animated speaker, with
a faculty for vivid and humorous scientific illustration. He ultimately
perished in
Ottawa, being drowned while bathing in the river in the cold season.
Mr. Alexander Campbell was an earnest, pacific
advocate. He was, as most of the co-operative missionaries were,
early connected with trade unions. He shared the mystic doctrines of
"Being" of Mr. Greaves, and was one of the vegetarians of the Concordium
at Ham Common. He trusted himself among the White Quakers. Mr.
Campbell is remembered as one of the managers of the Orbiston community;
one of his daughters married Mr. William Love, known as the chief Liberal
bookseller of Glasgow. Mr. Campbell discovered the principle of
distributing profits in stores in proportion to purchasers as early as
1829; which was acted upon in some stores in Scotland. The principle was
re-discovered fifteen years later in Rochdale by James Howarth. Mr.
Campbell was many years connected with the Glasgow Sentinel, a
paper established by Robert Buchanan, the social missionary. An
excellent three-quarter portrait, in oil, of Mr. Campbell hangs in the
hall of the Secular Society, Glasgow, where he was a valued speaker.
Coventry furnished two missionaries, Dr. John Watts and Mr.
John Colier Farn. Dr. Watts became distinguished for high character
and practicable ability. When two of the editors of the Oracle of
Reason were in prison, he conducted a publication of an alarming name.
[115] The repeal of the
taxes upon knowledge was accelerated by the lucid and powerful speeches he
made in London and elsewhere upon the economical folly of those imposts.
In Manchester he received a valuable testimonial in acknowledgment of
political and educational services. Of the Economy of Co-operation
he was an original and very suggestive expositor.
Mr. Farn was known as an animated lecturer, familiar alike
with co-operative, trades-union, and political questions. He was
subsequently connected with newspaper journalism, and at one time held the
position of editor of the Co-operative News. He continued all
his life the same ardent and zealous worker on behalf of the principles
which first brought him into distinction.
One of the pleasantest advocates of early Co-operation was
Henry Jacques Jeffery, a bright, quick-speaking, energetic lecturer,
distinguished for ardour and variety of exposition. He made generous
exertions for the defence of his colleagues who incurred imprisonment.
Mr. Jeffery was equally known in Edinburgh and London for the fervour with
which he espoused social principles. He long held a place of
considerable trust in one of the greatest publishing houses in London.
John Green was one of the early lecturers, some time
stationed at Liverpool. He was a useful advocate, and took an honest
interest in the movement. My recollection of him is very distinct.
When a very young man, I had been wandering on foot for purposes of health
for some three weeks, and embarking at Liverpool for a short voyage,
which, as I had never seen the sea, seemed an immense adventure, a
pleasant, homely voice called out to me from the quay, "Mr. Holyoake, Mr.
Holyoake." As I had not heard my name for three weeks, I felt like
Robinson Crusoe, when he was first addressed by his parrot, and thought so
at the time. I was grateful to Mr. Green for that greeting. He
afterwards went to America, where, before he had acquired the faculty of
seeing two ways at once, necessary in that land, he was cut into halves by
a railway train. He held some official position upon the line.
Robert Buchanan was another Scotch advocate who joined the
missionary propaganda of 1837. An ardent and ready speaker, he was
also addicted to poetry, in which he succeeded better than any of the
competitors in verse by whom he was surrounded. After the social
movement subsided, Mr. Buchanan became connected with journalism, both in
Glasgow and London, until his death a few years ago. His son, Robert
Buchanan, had far more than his father's genius, and was a poet, a
novelist, and dramatist of accredited reputation.
Another poet who made some noise, and obtained considerable
notice among those for whom he sang, was John Garwood, whose protracted
performance, "The' Force of Circumstances," appeared in many numbers of
the weekly publications of the party.
Eben Jones was a young poet, who made several contributions
to the New Moral World. He really could write readable
verses. His poems being, like Shelley's, heretical, contributed
strongly to impart that character to the party publishing them, without
distinguishing them as unofficial contributions.
One speaker, a man of real capacity, was a tailor, named
Robert Spiers. In social condition he, too, was a person to whom any
form of the millennium would have been welcome. I first met him at
the opening of the Social Institution in Huddersfield, at which I was to
speak morning and evening; but when I saw my name in large letters,
rainbow-coloured, on the walls of the town, I was dazed and abashed, and
did not make much of the speaking, except for one ten minutes in the
evening, when I forgot the placard. I had walked front Sheffield,
twenty-six miles, the preceding day, which did not conduce to energy of
speech or imagination. But I well remember that Mr. Spiers, who
spoke in the afternoon, he being regarded as a secondary person to the
luminary who was imported to speak in the morning and evening, amazed me
by the mastery of statement which he displayed. In capacity or
logical, not merely subtlety of, sequence, but of obvious dependence of
one part on the other, and all the parts leaving one whole impression upon
the mind, I still think him the ablest lecturer we had.
Napier Bailey was a strange figure, who flitted across the social
platform. He had been a Lancashire schoolmaster, and he always remained a
schoolmaster. He had not a particle of imagination, but possessed more
literary information than any other of his platform colleagues. He was the
first
and only contributor to the New Moral World who quoted Greek. It would be
a fortunate thing if everybody who knew Greek and Latin could be allowed
to
wear some intimation of the fact upon them, that the general public might
honour them accordingly without being obliged to recognise the acquirement
by quotations which, being assumed to be highly rare and interesting, are
therefore presented to ordinary readers in a language
they do not understand. Mr. Bailey's article must have been delayed a
fortnight while the printer, in a Midland town, where Greek is not the
language of
the inhabitants, sent to London
for the necessary type. Mr. Bailey was an active writer, and communicated
a great deal of interesting information to all who read or heard him. As
he
had far more literary knowledge than the majority of opponents in his
time, he silenced more adversaries than any other lecturer by overwhelming
them
with quotations which they could not answer, because
they could not understand them. Mr. Bailey was the writer
of the "Social Reformers' Cabinet Library." He passed away suddenly from
the view of men, and has never been heard of since.
G. Simkins,
whose name frequently occurs in early reports of the Charlotte Street
Institution, was a shoemaker by trade; a tall, pale, spare-looking man,
who looked as if the old world had not done much for him. Like some other
lecturers of that time, he took the principles pretty much as he found
them; but
if he did not make them plainer he did not obscure them, nor compromise
them by extravagance of statement.
Henry Knight was another young speaker, who after a few years of activity
went to America. He wrote a series of short letters in explanation of the
principles he represented as a missionary, which were by far the freshest
and most interesting statement of them produced by any advocate of the
time.
His papers appeared under the title of "Short Essays on Socialism." Though a very young man, he had the merit of being the first lecturer who
attempted
to select from the collection of principles set forth by Mr. Owen, those
which were essential to the community scheme.
J. R. Cooper, an active newsagent and bookseller of Manchester, was
favourably known as a lecturer on social questions. His younger brother,
Robert
Cooper, became a Social Missionary. He (Robert Cooper) wrote several
pamphlets, chiefly
on theological subjects, which had a considerable sale. In later years he
came into possession of a fortune which was intended
for Mr. Southwell, to whom it was first bequeathed. But on his leaving for
New Zealand, Mr. Fletcher, in his disappointment, bequeathed it to the
present writer, who was Mr. Southwell's coadjutor on the Oracle of Reason,
who held
Mr. Fletcher's will two years. Acting on treacherous information, which
Mr. Fletcher did not know to be untrue, he altered the will in favour of
Mr. Cooper,
and, dying suddenly,
Mr. Cooper inherited it. The giver honourably remembered Mrs. Emma
Martin's children by a small legacy to each.
One of the writers who contributed most to the pleasant information and
poetic amusement of the New Moral World, was a gentleman who signed
himself
"Pencil'em," with a
knowledge of, and a taste for, art and literature. His verses had
a pleasant sparkle of wit and humour, which often relieved the perennial
disquisitions upon the Five Fundamental Facts, and Twenty Laws of Human
Nature. Some who have acquired distinction have owed the inspiration and
practice of art to him. He held an official situation at South Kensington,
in which
his attainments were beneficial to the nation. [116]
Mrs. Wheeler attracted considerable attention by well-reasoned lectures,
delivered in 1829, in a chapel near Finsbury Square.
Miss Reynolds was another lady lecturer who excited great admiration for
her effective speaking. She afterwards became Mrs. Chapel Smith, went to
America, and is understood to be the same lady who frequently wrote to the
Boston Investigator, and whose letters are dated from New Harmony,
Indiana.
Among the new writers of 1835 appears one under the signature of "Kate,"
afterwards the wife of Mr. Goodwyn Barmby. "Kate's" papers were always
fresh, pleasant, and sensible.
In 1841, Mary Hennell wrote an interesting "Outline of the various Social
Systems and Communities which have been founded on the principle of
Co-operation." It appeared as an appendix to Charles Bray's "Philosophy
of Necessity." Sara Hennell, her sister, has written many works of
considerable originality and literary completeness.
Madame D'Arusmont was the most accomplished and distinguished woman, who
personally identified herself with the propagation of social views. As
Frances Wright, her lectures were popular both in England and America. She
was known as the friend and associate of General Lafayette, and in
the days of slavery she bought lands and endeavoured to establish
a free negro community at Nashoba. She had a commanding presence, and was
a cultivated and eloquent lecturess in days when only women of great
courage ventured to lecture at all. She is reported as declaring, in 1836,
in favour of the immediate abolition of Southern slavery. This occurred at
Tammany
Hall. Mr. J. S. Mill held her in regard as one of the most important women
of her day, and pointed this out to the present writer on her last visit
to England. [117]
Notable among the ladies who have been social lecturers was Mrs. Emma
Martin, who had wit and the courage of several men, and delivered lectures
in
the stormiest times and to the most dangerously disposed audiences. She
was a small lady, of attractive expression, with dark luminous eyes, a
pleasant,
far-reaching voice, and a womanly woman. The vivacious "Vivian," of the
Leader, whom the public now know as G. H. Lewes, with various admiration
under his own name, used to say that he disliked "bony priestesses,
learned in all theologies and destitute of hips." Co-operators have not
been wanting in
beautiful advocates; but they remembered that wise men were not always
beautiful, and they esteemed greatly
a pleasant mind. Mrs. Martin studied medicine and practised with success,
and during the cholera of 1849 displayed great courage, as she did in
everything.
Among the well-known pioneers of the earlier period was E. T. Craig,
mentioned for the intrepidity shown by him at Ralahine. The
following letter from lady Noel Byron to him serves to explain the
diversified nature of the social work done in those days, and the respect
in which Mr. Craig was held by eminent persons. The honourable and
practical interest Lady Byron took in promoting the betterment of the
humbler classes led her to give him the direction of an industrial
agricultural school, which she founded at Ealing Grove, on land formerly
belonging to the Duke of Newcastle. Her ladyship's letter was as
follows:—
"SIR,—I had the satisfaction of receiving your letter yesterday. After
Mr. Finch had informed me of the possibility or obtaining your valuable
assistance I
addressed you on the subject, directing my letter to Mr. Barry's residence
(Glandore,
Ireland), where you were supposed to be. I am, however, glad to find that
you are not so far distant, and if you feel disposed to enter into the
scheme, of which I send you the prospectus, I shall be happy to defray the
expenses of your journey from Manchester, in order that you may
communicate
with the
gentlemen who are engaged in the undertaking. I do not consider myself as
having a right to settle anything individually, as I am only one of the
parties
concerned, and have not the knowledge requisite to direct the
arrangements of such an institution. It has, however, been my advice that
the master
should be found before the land was bought or rented (for that point is
not decided), and before any of the economical details were finally
determined upon;
because I thought that the person chosen to conduct the establishment
would be the best adviser on such questions. The locality will be within
eight
miles of London. The amount of funds not yet ascertained. You will
therefore perceive that there is not at present an absolute certainty of
the whole of the
above plan being carried into effect; but there can scarcely be a doubt
that the day-school, with land attached to it, might be speedily
established if a
competent director were found.
"I am strongly impressed with the belief of your possessing the energy,
experience, and benevolence necessary to execute our design. The
remuneration to be afforded you must depend in part on the success and
extension of the school. You will be enabled to form your own judgment if
you
take the trouble to come to London. I could see you either there or here,
and will refer you in the first place to a friend of mine, who feels great
interest in
the agricultural school plan."
Mr. Craig accepted the appointment from Lady Byron, and while the
buildings were being prepared he went on a commission to the Continent to
examine
the industrial schools of Rotterdam, and of Switzerland, including the
famous one of E. de Fellenburg, at Hofwyl, near Berne. Lady Byron's
school, which
he organised at Ealing Grove, on the plan pursued at Ralahine, obtained
considerable distinction, and was much visited. The Duchess of Roxburgh,
the
Lady Lytton Bulwer, Ada Byron, Lord King, Sir William Molesworth, and Mrs.
Somerville were among those who came.
In the course of this narrative it will necessarily happen that many
persons will be omitted who really are entitled to a place in it. A
difficulty which besets
every writer is, that whatever trouble he takes to be well informed, he
will not escape giving evidence that he does not know everything. My care
has been
to include all those whose services were most obvious and influential in
the movement.
Many will remember the familiar names of Mr. Vines and Mr. Atkinson, who
promoted associated homes, as they did in earlier years; Mr. Alger and
Mr.
Braby, long actively connected with the movement; Walter Newall, long held
in regard as one of the general secretaries of the central board; Mr.
Nash, a
familiar name to the friends of Labour Exchanges; Mr. Ardell, one time
treasurer in community days; Lawrence Pitkeithly, of Huddersfield, alike
regarded
by Chartists and Socialists; H. Constable, an earlier and later friend of
the old cause; J. Cross, of Shoreditch, who lost two fortunes in his
later years, and
gallantly earned a third, and equally, rich or poor, worked for the
promotion of social ideas; Mr. Austin, who, like Philip O. Skene, wore
himself out with his
enthusiasm; Robert Adair, whom the poet Wordsworth selected to give the
first appointment he bestowed, when he became Her Majesty's Distributor of
Stamps. Many others in the chief towns of England and Scotland might, if
space permitted, be named for services by which this generation is
benefited,
and for which they obtained no requital.
Several of the missionaries were remarkable instances of monotony of
power. As young men they manifested sudden and unusual ability. They
"struck
twelve all at once," and
never struck anything after. They were a sort of petrified publicists.
Some of these social apostles were pleasant persons to know, but a few of
the most
endurable were the least worthy, inasmuch as they gave thought and talent
to their cause, but did not consider how far they could advance it by
giving it
also
the tribute of their conduct. They did not consider that their credit and
connections belonged to it.
Others adorned their principles by their career; they took, as it were,
the weight of the disordered world upon their shoulders. I remember one,
and he was
an outlying propagandist, who had the martyr-spirit without the
martyr-manner. Like Talleyrand, he waited for the hour of action, and
never
acted before it came. He knew that things were going round, and he watched
until the turn came for him to do his part, and he did it with the full
force those only can exert who have reserved their strength for the blow. He was thin, poor, and seedy; but
even his seediness had a certain charm of taste,
cleanness, and care. There was no seediness in his soul. His Spirits
were always bright.
The majority of these social advocates had clear, strong, worldly
sense. Their principles and conduct refuted everything which the world
commonly
alleged against communists. They were innovators without hatred,
advocating change without bitterness or selfishness.
Mr. Fleming challenged Richard Carlile to discussion. Lloyd Jones also met
him. Mr. Green challenged a Mr. Halliwell, of Oldham. Mr. Haslam
"challenged
all the ministers of the Gospel in the country," and other missionaries
challenged everybody else who had been omitted. Mr. Booth has collected
statistics of the propagandist activity of this party
from 1839 to 1841. In two years and a half two millions of
tracts were circulated. At Manchester one thousand were distributed
at public meetings every Sunday. In London 40,000
were given away in one year. During the Birmingham Congress half a
million were dispersed. Fifty thousand copies of Mr. Owen's manifesto in
reply
to the Bishop of Exeter were sold. The outline of the rational system was
translated into German, Polish, and Welsh. At one meeting £50 was received
for the sale of pamphlets. During one year fifty formal discussions were
held with the clergy. During another 1,450 lectures were delivered, of
which
604 were upon theology and ethics. Three hundred and fifty towns were
regularly visited by missionaries, and the country was divided into
fourteen
missionary districts. This was genuine propagandist activity and
intrepidity. If collision of thought leads to enlightenment,
the co-operators certainly promoted it. Every hall in the kingdom that
could be hired resounded with debate; the corner of every street had its
group of
disputants; every green and open place where speakers could hold forth
was noisy with controversy; no fireside was silent; pulpits were
animated; the press abounded with articles; Unitarians in those days were
less Evangelical than now and mercifully helpful of secular improvement, and
at all times
more liberal than any other English sect, often opening their chapels and
schoolrooms to lectures
and even discussions. Often social lectures had to be delivered in the
streets, in the market-place, and often in a field belonging to some
fearless
friend of free opinion in the town. Though most of the social reformers
were total abstainers, they
had to occupy rooms in public-houses. Respectable inn-keepers
were afraid of the licensing magistrates, who commonly threatened them
with the loss of their license. The leading advocates of temperance had
often to
go down obscure, miserable passages, jostling against beery people
frequenting the house.
Theologians would accept an act of liberality from others, but would not
show it in return. When the Rev. Edward Irving and his followers were
deprived of
their own church, they were admitted into the Gray's Inn Institution; but
when the co-operators wanted to hold a meeting only in the schoolroom of
the Rev.
J. Innes, of Camberwell, a minister of the same church, they were refused
it. It was frequently the lot of the social advocates to find themselves
in the
streets; sometimes they met in an old barn, or a back room, lying far
down a mysterious court, where the audience could ill find their way,
and had often more trouble to get out than get in. Persons were often sent
to break up the meeting by violence, and attack the speakers outside on
leaving
the place. The ascent to the lecture-room was often up a rickety ladder,
with a penny candle outside, which was always blowing out, to indicate to
the public
the Hole in the Wall, through which they were to enter. Inside, two or
three miserable candles, stuck up among the rafters with soft clay, shed
flickering and precarious light over the interior. The lecturer (on the
subject of the New World) had to stand upon an old table, which, when he
mounted
it, was discovered to have but three legs, which was generally propped up
by some enthusiastic disciple, who put his knee under it; but when he was
carried away by some point which his friend on the table made
successfully, he joined in the applause, which altered his position, and
let the orator down.
In some towns a desolate theatre was the only place that could be
obtained, and it was sometimes necessary, as in Whitehaven, when the
present writer
lectured there, to fortify it the day before the lecture, and to select,
as a sort of body-guard, those converts to the new views who had the
thickest heads, in
the event of bludgeons being employed; as the audience threatened to
assemble with stones in their pockets, I left my friends in the wings, and
presented
myself on the platform alone, judging that only good marksmen would be
able to hit a single target. Mr. Owen, Alexander Campbell, and other
lecturers
incurred
far more serious danger. Sometimes the lecture-room was situated, as in
Leeds, over a series of butchers' shops, which in summer-time gave a
carnivorous odour to the principles promulgated above. It was a common thing to find the place of meeting over a
stable, when a stranger entering would be struck by the flavour of the
principles before hearing them explained.
Two movements of great hope failed through very opposite conduct—the
associative colonies and the mechanics' institutions. The co-operators
opened
their doors to all sorts of discussion, and the mechanics' institutions
closed theirs against any.
As social speakers welcomed all comers, they had to encounter a strange
assortment of adversaries. Now and then a fat disputant appeared, and very
welcome his presence was. We never had a large speaker among our
advocates, which was a great disadvantage. It would have suggested a
well-fed
system. Obesity has weight in more senses than one. A fat look is
imposing. A mere self-confident turn of
a rotund head has the effect of an argument. An attenuated visage always
seems illogical to the multitude, while a mellow voice rolls over an
audience
like a conclusive sequence.
The early advocates, like many others, who have done the world some
service, and made a lasting name in it, were better inspired than
informed. Many of
them had no more notion than Jesus had of political economy, or the
Apostles had of the manufacturing system, and often talked beside the time
and
needs of the day. It was, nevertheless, freely owned that the missionary
representatives of Mr. Owen's views not only held their own, but made
important
captures from the enemy. Mr. Owen himself, when he had relinquished public
life, continued the most untiring travelling advocate of the time; and
his
addresses were undoubtedly successful, and excited both interest and
enthusiasm wherever he appeared. When adversaries appeared after his
lectures, he always proved equal to returning a prompt and effective
reply. For instance, when lecturing in Edinburgh in 1838, one of the acute
opponents,
always to be met with in that city, derided Mr. Owen's statement, that
human beings could be trained to believe anything ever so absurd and
contradictory.
"Is it possible," demanded a sharp-tongued querist, "to train
an individual to believe that two and two make five?" "We need not, I
think," said Mr. Owen, "go far for an answer. I think all of us know many
persons who are trained to believe that three make one, and think very ill
of you if you differ
from them." This was a good instance of his repartee. The answer seemed
most obvious when it was made, but it occurred to nobody till it
was given.
It was no uncommon thing for an adverse hearer to be wantonly offensive,
and plead that "he was the creature of circumstances over which he had no
control," when a vigorous adherent of ready wit would reply—"That's very
true, we are all in the same case, and your behaviour is a circumstance
which
compels me to knock you down"—and in a moment the adversary would be
reflecting on the floor. Anon a disputant shot like a meteor over the
darkness of
debate. Some men's thoughts are like matches, they ignite by the mere
attrition of sentences, and throw light on the dim places of an argument. Other
men's never ignite at all. Some have fusee ideas, and smoulder merely. Others have tar minds, and give out more odour and smoke than flame.
Now and then a man would get up and strike his arguments together like the
old flint and tinder box, producing more noise than sparks. Occasionally a
speaker burnt with a strong, steady, flame of speech, which both lighted
and warmed every one, and the hearer saw clearer ever after. There are
hearers with india-rubber minds, which stretch with a discourse. Some
understandings are like porcelain, and crack if you hit them with a hard
syllogism—and the parts never unite any more. There are speakers whose
influence, if not their intellect, is in their throats, and their wild,
strong, musical
cadences charm the ear. They who listen do not well know what they have
said, and speakers do not know themselves,
and do not need to know. Their speech is applauded like a
song, of which no one knows the words. Others speak like a railway
whistle, and impart knowledge and the headache
together. The scatter-brained men would come forward in force, and some
with no brains at all. Not infrequently a disputant did not know what the
point
was he was replying to; or if he did, his speech, like Mrs. Gamp's, went
elsewhere, and not there. We had all sorts of opponents, lay and
clerical. Some would swell the truth until the audience thought there was
something the matter with it; others thinned it until it seemed in a
decline, while
the rough, handed dislocated it and made it appear out of joint.
Many people are inclined to take a poetic view of life: and so long as
they keep their feet upon the earth they are the most agreeable persons to
know.
Their innovatory vivacity renders progress brilliant. When, however, they
leave the earth it is not worth while looking up in the air after them. There is
nothing to gain until they alight. There used to be whole meetings in
which there were no persons on the ground,
they were all up above. A man thoroughly sane is a very
interesting person. He stands firm upon the earth, and you
know where to find him. He sees things as they are, and the people who do
that are rare. They are the spectacles of their friends, enabling the
dim or dazed to look discerningly and steadily at what is before them. A
wise man consults the sane seeing man as he would a telescope, when he
wishes
to make out the danger appearing in the uncertain distance.
It is one of the lessons of party experience to perceive that the loftiest
precepts have but limited force, as a rule hearers need to be educated to
receive
them. Only partial results ought to have been expected until this was
done, whereas no doubt was entertained of the immediate and permanent
effect of
right principles. It was thought that reason would operate at once, and
for ever influence the mind which apprehended it. It was not foreseen that
only very
powerful minds act on principles from energy of personal insight. New
opinion is a burden which few men continue to carry unless they are
instructed
in all its advantages as well as disadvantages, and enter upon the duty
with their eyes fully open to what will follow, then hostility gives them
no surprise. In
the enthusiastic period of a movement principles are masters of the
advocates, instead of the advocates being masters of the principles. It
was debate,
and debate alone, that taught co-operators this lesson; and where they
have learned it Co-operation advances.
Off hand advocates trusted to a sort of Wesleyan readiness and impulse,
and accomplished what they did more by fervour than by art. On the canvas
on which they worked they put
in some figures of great force, but they executed no finished picture of
power. Cabet, who succeeded Mr. Owen in order of time, was an equable, but
mild,
delineator of social life; he was the most practical and coherent of
French world-makers. Nothing was produced in the literature of English
Socialism
comparable to the writings of Louis Blanc.
At times learned lecturers appeared among us. Some were lawyers, who
endowed the new system with attributes of categorical profundity, which
held
us all in amazement. There was, in what they said, a protracted coherence,
an illimitable lucidity, which compelled ordinary hearers to fall out of
the line of
proof on the way, exhausted, and enthusiastic.
No one continues a propagandist unless he be a person of courage,
industry, and self-denial. In the case of new thought most people do not
like to think at
all; others, who have no
minds to think with, are still more difficult to deal with. You cannot
convert vacuity; and you have to create mind by teaching the very
elementary
principles of thinking.
If a man's mind moves on some hinge of prejudice, you have to provide that
it turns on some pivot of principle. In Co-operation new objects, new
feelings,
new habits had to be proposed. Men had to be shown that their welfare and
security were best attained by an arrangement of business, which gave
fair advantages to others.
A propagandist is an agent of ideas, a cause of change, a precursor of
progress. To do his work well, he must have some mastery of his own
language, for
grammar is merely the
law of intelligible speech. He must know how to set his facts in the order
in which they can be seen as he sees them; and able to reason upon his
facts, when he has set them forth, else
their purport can never be enforced. The practical effect of grammar is
economy in speech; the practical effect of logic is economy in thinking. The
propagandist has to remember that his life is an argument. A man may give
good advice who never follows it, as a finger-post may point the right way
though it never moves in that direction. But he who is seen to do himself
what he counsels, will always have more influence over men than those who
say
one thing and do another. There is a sin of consistency when a man
professes opinions after he sees their error, not liking to own
his altered convictions. But consistency between conviction
and conduct is a very different thing. Inconsistency between belief and
practice is hypocrisy, whether before man or God. He who urges others to
be
true, should be true himself. Hence he must be at the service of the
principles he proposes
to advance. The Italian proverb says, thoughtfully, "Beware
of being too good." There seems that no harm could come
of that. When a man acts disinterestedly among others who do not, they
will disbelieve him, for none believe heartily in what they do not feel
capable of
themselves; and these persons, finding the conduct of others a reproach
to themselves, descry
it. A propagandist must take this as he takes other risks, and
do the best he can. He will be believed in the end if he keeps
doing the right thing to the best of his power. So that a propagandist
should either incur no family obligations like Mazzini, or count upon the
pain of
involving them in consequences of his own convictions, which they may not
share, and yet will have to bear the penalty, and he be helpless to
prevent it. The wife and children may be nobly willing to share any consequences which
may result through the father maintaining his convictions, and count the
bearing of an honest name an honourable inheritance. But these cases are
not common. Privation, the consequence of social exclusion, comes in so
many ways that, however bravely borne, it must be painful to the
propagandist to contemplate. He who chooses to embark in the service of
mankind must
make up his mind to this; and he had better know it from the beginning. There may come regard and honour, before which all days of peril and
labour pale in the memory; but these are happy accidents on which no man
may count.
The reader can now form his own opinion of the school of Social Improvers,
whose careers and fortunes we have now followed through the Pioneer
Period. They fought not for
their own hand, but for the hand of the people. They taught the new
doctrine of self-help and industrial emancipation. Milton, who had a
militant spirit,
who could not think of heaven without thinking of the fighting there,
whose spirit strode the earth in stormy times, understood better than most
men, as he wrote—
"Peace hath her victories,
Not less renowned than those of war." |
And this is the victory the Social Pioneers won; Louis Blanc, in his
"Organisation of Labour," began with the impassioned cry, "Christ has come; but when
cometh salvation?" It has been this long-promised, much-needed,
long-delayed, material salvation, which these social propagandists have
advanced.
|