The
London Working Men's Association, founded in 1836 by William
Lovett, Francis Place and Henry Hetherington, was to become one of
the foundations of Chartism. The Association appealed to
skilled workers rather than the mass of unskilled factory labourers.
They were associated with Owenite socialism [see
Robert Owen]
and the movement for general education.
The Association took notice of the political events occurring
in Lower Canada in 1837 and adopted resolutions to support the
citizens then in great number agitating in protest of Ten
Resolutions adopted by the British House of Commons authorizing the
colonial Governor to withdraw money from the Provincial Treasury
without the consent of the Legislative Assembly.
――――♦――――
The Address of the London Working Men's Association
to
the People of Canada.
William Lovett
1837.
Friends in the Cause of Freedom:― Brothers under Oppression:―
and Fellow-Citizens living in Hope,―
We have witnessed with delight the noble spirit you have
evinced against the despotic ordinances and tyrant mandates of your
oppressors. Inspired by the justice of your cause, you have
nobly begun the glorious work of resistance. May the spirit of
perseverance inspire you onward till the basely concocted
Resolutions are withdrawn ― your constitutional rights and wishes
respected ― or your independence secured by a charter won by your
bravery!
While freemen stand erect in the conscious pride of thinking
right and acting well, their honest front will ofttimes scare the
tyrant from his purpose, or check his mad career; for experience has
taught him that liberty in a smock frock is more than a match for
tyranny in armour; but if they chance to crouch submission, or
yield but a hair's breadth to his wish, their doom is fixed ― for
tyrants delight to crush the yielding suppliant slave.
Onward, therefore, brothers, in your struggle ― you have
justice on your side, and good men's aspirations that you win.
Nay, we trust that the wide-spreading information of the present age
has so far enlightened the minds and expanded the sympathies of most
classes of men, that even the British soldier (cut off and secluded
as he is from society), on turning to the annals of atrocious deeds
which mark the track of kingly despotism, and more especially those
which characterize its career of cruelty against American liberty,
when the savage yell, the tomahawk, and the scalping knife were the
frightful accompaniments of the bayonet, must blush for his country
and his profession.
Yes, friends the cause of DEMOCRACY has
truth and reason on its side, and knavery and corruption are alone
its enemies.
To justly distribute the blessings of plenty which sons of
industry have gathered, so as to bless without satiety all mankind ―
to expand by the blessings of education the divinely mental powers
of man, which tyrants seek to mar and stultify ― to make straight
the crooked paths of justice, and humanize the laws ― to purify the
world of all crimes which want and and lust of power have nurtured,
― is the end and aim of the Democrat: to act the reverse of this is
the creed and spirit of aristocracy. Yet of this later clan
are those who govern nations ― men whose long career of vice too
often forms a pathway to their power ― who, when despotic deeds have
stirred their subjects up to check their villainy, declaim against
"sedition," talk of "designing men," and impiously invoke the
attributes of Deity to scare them from their sacred purpose.
It gives us great pleasure to learn, friends, that you are
not easily scared by proclamation law ― by the decree of the junta
against a whole nation. Surely you know and feel, though
Governor Gosford may not, that "a nation never can rebel." For
when the liberties of a million of people are prostrated to the dust
at the will of a grasping, despicable minority ― when an attempt is
made to destroy their representative rights, the only existing bond
of allegiance, the only power through which laws can be justly
enforced ― then has the time arrived when society is dissolved into
its original elements, placing each man in a position freely to
choose for himself those institutions which are the most consonant
to his feelings, or which will best secure to him his life, labour,
and possessions. If the mother country will not render justice
to her colonies in return of their allegiance ― if she will not be
content with mutual obligations, but seek to make them the prey of
military nabobs and hungry lordlings, executing their decrees with
force, she must not be disappointed to find her offspring deserting
her for her unnatural absurdities and monstrous cruelty.
Your legislative and executive councils, feeling the great
inconvenience of submitting to your constitutional rights, have
endeavoured to frown you into compliance by British legislation.
You have wisely questioned such authority, and justly branded their
decrees with the
infamy they deserve. They now loudly threaten you with Gosford-law
of their own enactment. Should you be firm to your purpose (as we
think you will), they will have recourse to diplomacy and cunning,
they will amuse you with the name of royalty, talk of your youthful
Queen's affection for you, and every specious art their craft can
dictate. But they will carefully keep back from royal ears the
wrongs they have generated ― the crimes of open plunder and private
peculation which have made the breach between you; they'll tell
their garbled tale of "treason & sedition," poisoning the youthful
mind to suit their purpose.
Canadian brethren! hear us, though we be only working men:―
trust not too much the princely promises when your own ears are the
witness; less so, when oceans roll between, and interested
chieftains tell the tale. Trust to your righteous cause, and
honest deeds to make that cause secure.
We have received, with considerable satisfaction, your
resolutions approving of our humble exertions in your behalf ―
though we did but our duty in endeavouring to arouse the feelings of
our fellow men against the injustice we saw was about to be
perpetrated on a distant portion of our brethren; and in this we
have been successful to a degree we did not anticipate, for we have
received letters of approval from considerable bodies of Working Men
joining their feelings and sympathies with ours towards you.
Do not, therefore, believe that the working millions of England have
any feelings in common with your oppressors; if they have not
unitedly condemned their infamy, it is that the severity of their
own misfortunes and oppressions diverts their attention from those
of their neighbours. When the voice of the millions shall be
heard in the senate-house, when they shall possess power to decree
justice, our colonies will cease to be regarded as nurseries for
despots, where industry is robbed to pamper vice.
We beg to congratulate you on the number of choice spirits
which the injustice inflicted on your country has called into
action. With such leaders to keep alive the sacred flame of
freedom, and such devotedness and self-denial as you have evinced
from the onset, we augur your success.
Hoping that you will continue to stir up the timid and cheer
on the brave ― to teach your children to lisp the song of freedom,
and your maidens to spurn the hand of the slave ― and that you may
yet witness the sun of independence smiling on your rising cities,
your cheerful homes, tangled forests, and frozen lakes, is the
ardent wish of the members of the Working Men's Association.
Signed by the Committee on their behalf,
WILLIAM CUMMING,
silversmith,
HENRY VINCENT,
compositor,
ARTHUR DYSON,
compositor,
JOHN DANSON,
cleck,
SERAPHINO CALDERARA,
barometer maker,
WILLIAM PEARCE,
carpenter,
JAMES JENKINSON,
engraver,
ROBERT HARTWELL,
compositor,
HENRY MITCHELL,
turner,
RICHARD CAMERON,
brace maker,
JAMES LAWRENCE,
painter,
WILLIAM PEARCE,
brass worker,
WILLIAM LOVETT,
(cabinet maker) & secretary. |
――――♦――――
――――♦――――
Reply of the Central and Permanent Committee of the
County of Montreal to the
Address of the London Working Men's Association
Louis Joseph Papineau
1837
BROTHERS, ― We have received The Address of
the London Working Men's Association to the People of Canada.
It was read during a sitting of our Central and Permanent Committee,
in the midst of lively acclamations, and published in our
newspapers. Diffused throughout the American continent, it
proves that the intrepid democratic spirit that once shook the yoke
of infamous barons and set limits to the despotic prerogatives of
sovereigns, still animates a part of the citizens of your country.
Your nation has always prided herself of the democracy which allowed
her, in the course of long and hard battles, to preserve a freedom
and a political power higher than those of her neighbours of Europe.
We thus accept with gratitude the sympathy of a democracy animated
by feelings so high and so just on the nature of government.
Aristocracy is foreign for us. We do not share any
principle in common with it. Thanks to the facility with which
our ancestors could obtain fertile lands on an immense territory,
thanks to our laws against the accumulation of hereditary fortunes,
almost all our population draws its subsistence from manual or
intellectual work. We respect men for their good work; we
scorn them for their misdeeds, no matter the merits of their
fathers. We honour that one who makes two corn shoots
germinate where only one grew before; that one who goes forward and
makes the forest disappear in front of his steps. We scorn the
idler who vegetates on the land and is satisfied to consume what men
better than him have produced. The quite characteristic names
of your various trades are more respectable to our eyes than the
pompous titles, the oppressive privileges, and the laws against
nature based on heredity, all things which were usurped and granted
by the sovereigns and recorded at the office of armoury with the
futile intention to create two orders of intelligence where nature
only made one.
We live in a hemisphere whose destiny is to see democracy
being exercised and grow in complete freedom, far from an
aristocracy, whose deep roots would exhaust the soil. The rare
exotic elements of this tribe that were transplanted from another
world fade and disappear from this land which offers no food to
their order and on which the words "Equality of Rights" were
engraved in eternal types as soon as it emerged from chaos.
The indigenous Masters of the wild regions of America knew
neither lords nor kings; they freely chose the most deserving as
chief of the council and chief of war. When, fond of freedom,
the pilgrims of England approached for the first time the desolated
shores of New England, they brought good seeds to a land which was
already prepared to receive them and from where they would be
propagated and borne fruit. And, although Europe undertook to
confine its nations in various parts of this sanctuary, the
corruptions which came in their wake disappeared under the intense
light of these principles recognized, proclaimed and applied by a
group of wise and virtuous democrats who faced and overcame the
difficulties of their new colony, not for some reason related to
wealth or by thirst for spoils, but to establish on more solid
principles the science and the economy of government.
For a long time united to you as subjects of the same
sovereign, we too have felt the drying influence of an aristocracy,
which, cherished in the Eastern hemisphere, was authorized, for our
misfortune, to obstruct the Western hemisphere. Although we
are confident that our democratic continent could not remain
subjugated for long to a principle so disastrous and contrary to
nature, we fear like you that the hereditary veneration towards
certain families, the dangerous accumulation of immense fortunes in
the hands of a few, and the corrupting practices of a government
perverted by the distribution of favours, has so greatly wasted the
benefit which the glorious charter of your rights should have given
you that, undoubtedly, it will take years before you touch your
ancestor's heritage of freedom to enjoy it fully. The
accession of a young queen to the throne created an occasion
favourable to the renewal of the terms of the social contract and
your contract of allegiance. Co-heirs with her of the
institutions of your country ― this country for whose defence you
have poured your blood many times ―, you have, by the persevering
labour of your daily work, brought this country to the ridge of
richness; and now, in the middle of this blinding splendour, the
fruit of your untameable energy, one robs you trough unequal and
unjust laws, one overburdens you with taxes, depriving to you of the
bare essential, in order to insure abundance to an arrogant caste
busy to hamper you in its snares, you who work honestly and
conscientiously to create and maintain its immense fortune, which is
at the same time its quota and the instrument of your political
subjection. Although some of your acts, filled with the
dignity which the conscience of one's own strength confers, were
crowned with success, too often we had the sorrow to see some of
your more valorous friends left behind in your recent elections, and
a portion of the people behave like indifferent spectators, as
consenting auxiliaries or servile mercenaries of one or the other of
the aristocratic factions which dispute the privilege to hold you
under their yoke, completely indifferent to your interests, except
insofar as the reform of an abuse tends to strengthen their own
power.
In the free exercise of the privileges which are recognized
to us ― to defend the dear rights which are guaranteed to us, we
have held public meetings in our various counties, as a preliminary
step, in order to solemnly protest against an infamous violation of
our fundamental powers. Conscious of our strength and our
right, we treated with contempt the stupid proclamation emitted by
an ignorant governor against such meetings. We hope that this
lesson will be understood. We are confident it will prevent,
in the future, here like elsewhere, any presumptuous attempt against
the prerogatives of the people. We are happy that our prompt
response to the attack of the British Parliament against our
possessions has gained your approval. Did you consider how
enormous is the responsibility which the people of our province are
invested with towards all the British Empire? ― Never the British
cabinet could have had your Parliament adopt a monstrous measure in
order to destroy the powers of a democracy, for sole purpose of
hastening the payment of some ridiculous civil servants' wages, when
this objective could have been achieved by simple and honest ways,
if your aristocracy did not weave an impious plot against your own
freedoms. One makes Lower Canada the theatre of this
experience because it is believed that in spite of the constant
abuses or the arbitrary exactions of which it is the victim, the
majority of the population, being of French ascent, will not wake
any sympathy among the English race which surrounds it.
The conscience of baring this heavy responsibility, far from
discouraging us, reinvigorates us, because we know that, from one
end to another of the Empire, all the energetic and free minds
follow our courageous fight with the greatest of interest ― send us
their wishes and wish to see us successfully defend the rights of
all. For our part, you can be sure of it, we are determined
never to subject to the usurping intentions of the ministry ― never
to live in being an object of derision for the whole world, as a
people, more ignorant than slaves being traded, that would let their
birth right be taken away, thus creating a precedent so that a
similar aggression is perpetrated against the freedoms of their
brothers in all the other colonies of the Empire.
Do not believe that, being very few, we fear the consequences
of our determination. Nature gave fortified places to our
country and valiant hearts to our people. For the hour, the
arguments of justice and reason are our weapons. They can
easily be replaced by more destructive weapons if the usurpers of
our rights continue to have eyes too weak to see and ears too deaf
to hear. We do not believe that bands of soldiers from Europe
would wage a war of extermination against the democracy of America.
They are themselves the children of a democracy which, in the XIXth
century, is linked by a community of feelings throughout the
civilized world. They know that they are but the blind
instruments of a brutal Master, but as moral beings, responsible for
their acts in front of God and humanity. On the day of the
test, they will throw down the emblems of their cruel works to enter
the midst of an American fraternity, instead of lending their
contest to criminal intentions against the generous blood of a
people which defend the rights of any man.
If we address your government on the tone of challenge, it is
because we are forced to it. Our objections are neither recent
nor new in nature. They were stated publicly and clearly; the
mode and measures of redress have been well defined. Since
many years, our fellow-citizens reiterate them during public
meetings. They presented on this subject humble requests to
your Parliament, which, after showing a deaf ear, now adds the
aggression to contempt. In similar circumstances, we can
appeal without fear to the judgement of the whole world to
legitimize our determination to no longer maintain the vain hope of
obtaining reparation from overseas and rather to count on our own
energy and on the sympathy of our brothers on the American
continent, a sympathy which a cause as just as our own cannot fail
to inspire. We did not evoke independence from the British
Crown, but we do not forget that the destiny of the continental
colonies is to separate from the metropolitan State when the
unconstitutional action of a legislative power residing in a remote
country is no longer bearable. In this eventuality, the
community of interests which should exist between the democracy of
the Old World and that of New World will not disappear. If the
colonies become the instrument of the corrupted favouritism which is
used to shelter and maintain the poorest portion your aristocracy,
an excuse to maintain professional armies, to deprive the people of
their subsistence in order to pile up stones and mortar to make
fortifications out of it, or a pretext to restrict the free movement
of your trade, then the separation of those which can be
self-sufficient can only give stability to your freedoms and support
the prosperity of your nation. See the example of the United
States which, in one year, as an independent offspring, contributes
more to the honour and the benefit of the motherland that they could
have done in centuries of weakness and dependence.
Once again, we thank you for the sympathy which you express
towards the Canadian people. It is pleasant to receive similar
testimony on behalf of English citizens. You posed a noble
gesture: a people being responsible for the acts of their governors,
you showed a virile and virtuous determination in letting humanity
know that you dissociate yourselves from the hugeness which are
attempting to commit those on whose actions you have, alas for
yourselves and us too, no control. Whatever the result of your
noble patriotism and your generous abnegation, we are sure that your
children will be better armed against your dominating oligarchy than
you personally were at the time of entering life.
We wish, via our association, to proclaim that, no matter the
way which we will be constrained to follow, we hold nothing against
the people of England. We only fight against the aggressions
of her tyrannical oppressors, who are also our own oppressors.
Signed by order and in the name of the Central and Permanent
Committee,
RAYMOND PLESSIS,
Chairman
L. J. PAPINEAU
C. H. CÔTÉ
JOSEPH LE TOURNEUX
PIERRE CADIEUX
CHAMILLY DE LORIMIER
ANDRÉ OUIMET
J. PHELAN
C. O. PERRAULT
E. B. O'CALLAGHAN
ROBERT NELSON
J. BOULANGET
LOUIS PERRAULT
W. GALT
E. R. FABRE
T. S. BROWN
E. N. DUCHESNOIS
JOSHUA BELL
CHEVALIER DE LORIMIER,
Secretary
GEORGE-ÉTIENNE
CARTIER, Secretary |
Translated in 2007 by Mathieu Gauthier-Pilote from: Réponse du
Comité central et permanent du comté de Montréal à l'adresse de
l'Association des travailleurs de Londres.
――――♦――――
|
Lovett to J. M. Ludlow, 1st May, 1876. |
137 Euston Road
1st May 1876
To J. M. Ludlow Esq
Dear Sir,
At the request of my friend Professor Adolf Held of
Bonn, I send you a copy of my Autobiography, of which I
beg your acceptance. I have heard from Mr Richard
Moore that you are a man of progress, and I have also
seen your name connected with many liberal movements, so
I presume you will not refuse to accept the work of an
old Chartist, however much you may differ from him in
opinion. I am
Yours very truly
Wm Lovett.
28 Abingdon St
Westminster |
――――♦――――
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