| 
			CONTENTS PORTRAIT OF MARK 
			HOVELL
 
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST 
			EDITION
 
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND 
			EDITION
 
 INTRODUCTION: MARK 
			HOVELL, 1888-1916
 
 CHAPTER I
 THE CHARTER AND ITS ORIGIN
 The National Charter—Its preamble—Six Points and 
			minor provisions—Its programme of Parliamentary Reform—Origins of 
			the movement for Parliamentary Reform—The Army debates in 1647 and 
			the Instrument of Government, 1653—The Radical programme in the 
			eighteenth century—Its revival after Waterloo— Dissatisfaction of 
			Radical reformers with the Reform Act of 1832.
 
 CHAPTER II
 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 
			AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
 1815-1840 the critical years of the Industrial 
			Revolution—Large scale production and machinery triumph over small 
			production and domestic organisation—Social and economic 
			difficulties resulting from the change—The transition easier in some 
			industries than others—The worst difficulties were in those trades 
			where the old and new systems long coexisted side by side—Contrast 
			between the spinning and weaving trades—The latter long a 
			transitional industry, remaining partly domestic, but under 
			capitalist control—The long agony of the handloom weavers—Instances 
			of various types—The silk-weavers of Coventry—The cotton-weavers of 
			Lancashire and the woollen-weavers of Yorkshire—The stockingers and 
			the hosiery trade in the Midlands—Bagmen and frame rents—Quarrying 
			and mining—The batty and the gang system—The employment of women and 
			children—Want of organisation and care for the welfare of the new 
			industrial population—The social and economic background of 
			Chartism.
 
 CHAPTER III
 THE RISE OF ANTI-CAPITALIST 
			ECONOMICS AND
 SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY THEORY
 Effects of the French Revolution and of the 
			Industrial Revolution on English political and social ideas—Social 
			dislocation resulting from Industrial Revolution—Movement and 
			enterprise replace security as basis of economic life—Practical 
			grievances of the wage. earners—Beginnings of socialistic 
			literature—Three schools of early socialism—The agrarians and their 
			revolt against enclosures—Doctrine of natural right to the 
			land—Thomas Spence—William Ogilvie—Thomas Paine—The 
			anti-capitalistic critics of the classical economists—Charles Hall 
			as the link between the first and second schools—Influence of David 
			Ricardo—His doctrine that Labour is the source of value—Its 
			development by Thomas Hodgkin to claim for Labour the whole produce 
			of Industry—The theoretical Communists—Robert Owen—William Thompson 
			and J. F. Bray—The new Trades Unionism and Robert Owen—The Grand 
			National Consolidated Trades Union—Its failure—The London group of 
			Labour leaders—Special position of the London artisans—Their 
			reaction from orthodox Owenism and its results—The disillusion of 
			the Reform Bill.
 
 CHAPTER IV
 THE LONDON WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION AND
 THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER (1836-1839)
 Failure of the earlier working men's societies in London—The 
			agitation in favour of unstamped newspapers—Its partial triumph in 
			1836—The leaders in the agitation—Francis Place—William Lovett—Henry 
			Hetherington—James Watson—John Cleave—The same men found the London 
			Working Men's Association—Two accounts of its origin—Part played by 
			Lovett in it—Its objects, membership, and proceedings—Its 
			publications, especially The Rotten House of Commons—Its discussions 
			at Place's house—Notable new members — Threatened disruption—J. B. 
			Bernard and the Cambridgeshire Farmers' Association —Rival 
			short-lived associations—The London Democratic Association—Extension 
			of Chartist associations over the country—Lovett's missionary 
			zeal—Addresses to the Queen and to Reformers—Public meeting at Crown 
			and Anchor—Petition to Commons drawn up—Parliamentary supporters of 
			the Association—Beginnings of more public propaganda—The prosecution 
			of the Glasgow Cotton Spinners—Support from the Birmingham Political 
			Union—Committee to draft a Bill empowered, but does nothing—Place 
			and Lovett draw up the People's Charter—Failure of the Parliamentary 
			Radicals to give effective help—Proposal for a National 
			Convention—The elections for it—Decline in importance of the Working 
			Men's Association.
 
 CHAPTER V
 THE AGITATION AGAINST THE
			NEW POOR LAW (1834-1838)
 Importance of Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834—The first piece of 
			radical legislation and the first-fruits of Benthamism—Action of 
			Edwin Chadwick and the Poor Law Commissioners—Growth of resistance 
			to the Act—Real suffering caused by it—Plight of handloom weavers 
			and stockingers—William Cobbett's arguments against it—Outdoor 
			relief as the share of the poor in the spoils of the Church at the 
			Reformation—The opposition of local interests to centralisation and 
			bureaucracy—The cry of vested interests—The resistance to the Act in 
			Lancashire and Yorkshire, 1836—John Fielden of Todmorden—Richard 
			Oastler—Joseph Rayner Stephens—The Methodist spirit and the 
			opposition to the Act—The coming to the North of Augustus Harding 
			Beaumont and Feargus O'Connor—The Northern Liberator and the 
			Northern Star—Effectiveness of O'Connor as an agitator in the 
			factory districts—Death of Beaumont—Absorption of the Anti-Poor Law 
			movement in Chartism.
 
			
 CHAPTER VI
 THE REVIVAL OF THE BIRMINGHAM POLITICAL 
			UNION (1837-1838)
 Part played by the Birmingham Political Union in the struggle for 
			the Reform Bill—Its dissolution in 1834—Beginnings of bad trade, and 
			setting up in 1836 of a Reform Association—Thomas Attwood and the 
			middle-class Birmingham leaders—Attwood's Currency Schemes—Revival 
			of the Political Union—Parliamentary Reform to be combined with 
			Currency Reform—The middle-class leaders and the working-men 
			followers—Futile attempts to interest the Government in currency 
			reform—Alliance effected with the Working Men's Association and the 
			Anti-Poor Law agitators—Douglas draws up the National Petition—Great 
			meeting at Glasgow adopts the policy—General propaganda 
			work—Birmingham meeting at Newhall Hill, August 6, 1838—Election of 
			delegates to the National Convention—Friction between the London 
			Association and the Birmingham Union—Difficulties caused by the 
			Currency Scheme—Rupture between the Union and the Northern 
			extremists —Violence of Stephens and O'Connor—O'Connor patches up 
			some sort of peace—Note on Attwood's Currency Theories.
 
			
 CHAPTER VII
 THE PEOPLE'S PARLIAMENT (1838-1839)
 Combination of the northern, midland, and southern movements for the 
			attainment of the Charter—The National Petition—The National 
			Convention—Election of delegates at public meetings—Position of 
			Manchester in the movement—Violence in the North—First meeting of 
			the National Convention, February 4, 1839—Its membership and 
			characteristics—Debates as to the scope of the Convention—J. P. 
			Cobbett's resolution limiting its work to superintending the 
			Petition—Its defeat, followed by his withdrawal—House of Commons 
			invited to meet Convention—War declared against the Anti-Corn Law 
			League—Discussions on procedure—Rules and Regulations of the 
			Convention drawn up—Clamour for violent measures outside the 
			Convention—Harney and the London Democratic Association attack the 
			mild policy of the Convention—Long delays and hesitations—Decreasing 
			confidence within the Convention—It is increased by the unfavourable 
			reports from the "missionaries" sent into the country—Reports from 
			Birmingham and the south-west—Riots at Devizes—John Richards' 
			reports from the Potteries—Numerous resignations in the Convention, 
			including those of the Birmingham delegates—Debate on the right to 
			possess arms—Debate on ulterior measures—Divided counsels and 
			indecision—The problem referred to mass meetings—The Petition handed 
			to Attwood—Removal of the Convention to Birmingham—Its lack of 
			leadership the chief clause of its failure.
 
			
 CHAPTER VIII
 THE GOVERNMENT PREPARES FOR 
			ACTION (1839).
 General prevalence of poverty and discontent, especially in the 
			manufacturing and mining districts—Local effects of the "missionaries"' work—Illustrations from Newport (Mon.), Halifax, and 
			Manchester—Government preparations to resist threatened 
			rising—Prudence of Lord John Russell—Lack of police and consequent 
			inevitableness of military action—The appointment of Sir Charles 
			Napier to command the northern district—His wise policy—The 
			disposition of his troops—Colonel Wemyss at Manchester—Government 
			proclamation against unlawful assemblies—Authorisation of the 
			formation of a civic force.
 
			
 CHAPTER IX
 THE CONVENTION AT BIRMINGHAM (1839)
 Ministerial crisis of May 1839—Its effects on Chartist calculations 
			—Inevitable postponement of the Petition—Isolation of the Convention 
			in London—Its complaints of lack of support—Comparative attractions 
			of Birmingham—Changed position there—Collapse of the Attwoodites and 
			transference of the Chartist leadership to working men—Collins and 
			Fussell—Fussell's account of the meetings in the Bull Ring—Their 
			prohibition—Last debates of Convention in London—O'Connor's motion 
			for transference to Birmingham carried—"Address to the People" 
			moved—O'Brien's violent address carried in preference to Lowery's 
			moderate one—May 13 the Convention reaches Birmingham—Its first work 
			to issue "The Manifesto of the General Convention"—Its 
			terms—Ulterior measures to be adopted on failure of the 
			Petition—Their weakness as compared with language of Manifesto—Timid 
			action and adjournment until July 1—Action of civil and military 
			authorities throughout the country—Threatened Whitsuntide 
			disturbances—Wemyss's vigorous action against 
			Ashton-under-Lyne—Riots at Llanidloes, Monmouth, and 
			Stone—Incendiary hand-bill circulated in Manchester—Napier's view as 
			to the prospects—Precautions at Manchester—Kersal Moor 
			demonstration—More resignations from the Convention—Its resumed 
			sessions after July 1—July 4, Bull Ring riot—Provoked by lack of 
			judgment of magistrates—Convention condemns them in resolutions 
			signed by Lovett—Arrest of Lovett and Collins—Threatened troubles at 
			Ashton and Manchester—Removal of Convention to London—It issues 
			denunciation of Birmingham magistrates and of paper money.
 
			
 CHAPTER X
 THE PETITION IN THE COMMONS:
			END OF THE CONVENTION (1839)
 July 12, 1839, Debate on Attwood's motion that the Commons go into 
			Committee to consider the National Petition—Speeches of Attwood and 
			Fielden—Lord John Russell's speech against the motion—Disraeli's 
			speech disapproving of Charter, but sympathising with Chartists—The 
			division—Motion defeated by 235 to 46—July 15-17, Debates in 
			Convention—A "National Holiday" to begin on August 12—July 15, 
			Renewed Riots in Bull Ring, Birmingham—Cold reception of strike 
			proposal—July 22, It is rescinded by Convention on O'Brien's 
			motion—Committee appointed to take sense of people on the 
			strike—Most places unfavourable—Views of Northern Political Union 
			and of Robert Knox—The Trades Unions outside the Chartist 
			ranks—Convention adjourns Bill, August—Dying out of strike 
			movement—Arrests and trials—Trials of Stephens at Chester and of 
			Lovett and Collins at Warwick—Attitude of Lovett—Reassembly and 
			dissolution of the Convention—Its final weakness.
 
			
 CHAPTER XI
 SEDITION, PRIVY CONSPIRACY, 
			AND REBELLION (1839-1840)
 Attitude of physical force Chartists outside Convention—The Newport 
			Rising of November 4--Difficulty in ascertaining the truth as to its 
			origin and course—The story of David Urquhart—Beniowski and Russian 
			intrigues—Other versions of the story—General rising projected for 
			which an outbreak in South Wales was to be the signal—Committees at 
			various centres—Activity of Vincent and, after his arrest, of Frost 
			in Newport and the Monmouthshire valleys—The rendezvous at Risca—The 
			night march to Newport—The fighting round the Westgate Hotel—The 
			suppression of the Rising and the arrest of the leaders—Preparations 
			for their defence—Ambiguous attitude of O'Connor—Preparations for a 
			second rising throughout the country—Reports by magistrates and 
			police—Bradford—Manchester— Birmingham—The hosiery districts—London—Halifax—Nothing serious to happen—Depression of Manchester 
			and Birmingham Chartists—Trial and condemnation of Frost, Jones, and 
			Williams—Some small outbreaks, mainly in Yorkshire, easily 
			suppressed-1840, Further trials and imprisonments—End of the first 
			phase of Chartism—Its want of homogeneity its chief 
			weakness—Diversity of aim made co-operation in revolutionary action 
			impossible.
 
			CHAPTER XII
 THE CHARTIST REVIVAL (1840-1841)
  Weakness of Chartism during spring of 1840—Proposals to organise the 
			movement more thoroughly—The beginnings in Scotland—August 15, 1839, 
			Delegates meeting at the Universalist Church, Glasgow—Its 
			resolutions—The Chartist Circular—Harney's proposals—Schemes of "Republican"—O'Connor's plans for a Chartist newspaper 
			syndicate—Revival of local bodies—Hetherington and the Metropolitan 
			Charter Union—The Newcastle Northern Political Union—July 20, 1840, 
			Meeting at the Griffin, Great Ancoats Street, Manchester—Plans for 
			the National Charter Association drawn up and adopted—Its objects 
			and methods—Its revision to make it legal—Difficulties imposed by 
			the law on political associations—The provisional and the elected 
			executives—Plans of the moral force sections—Christian Chartism—The 
			Chartist Churches—Arthur O'Neill at Birmingham—Report of his 
			sermons—Henry Vincent at Bath—David Brewster at Paisley—Lovett's 
			proposals—His correspondence with Place—His Chartism—His plans for a 
			National Association for Promoting the Improvement of the People—Its 
			educational and individualist policy—Place's criticisms—July 25, 
			Lovett's release and establishment in London —Thomas Cooper's 
			plans—His early career and character—How he became a Chartist at 
			Leicester—His Shaksperean Association of Leicester Chartists—The 
			revival resulting from all these efforts.
 
			
 CHAPTER XIII
 CHARTISM VERSUS FREE TRADE (1842-1844)
 Parallel growth of Chartism and the Anti-Corn Law League—Grounds for 
			the antagonism between Chartists and Free Traders—A phase of the 
			class war—Policy of meeting-smashing—Divergencies of aim of the 
			Chartists—Illustrated from Williams at Sunderland and Leach at 
			Manchester—Attitude of the Northern Star—Futility of Chartist 
			attitude.
 
			
 CHAPTER XIV
 O'CONNORISM (1841-1842)
 August 30, 1841, release of O'Connor from York Gaol—His influence on 
			the agitation during his imprisonment—His direction of the National 
			Charter Association—Petitions for the release of the Newport 
			leaders—Ways in which the Northern Star promoted O'Connor's ends—Its 
			journalistic success—Its commercial influence—Chartist leaders 
			become O'Connor's servants and dependents—Continued faith of the 
			mass of Chartists in him—Illustration of this from Thomas 
			Cooper—Demonstrations on O'Connor's release—Demonstration and 
			procession at Huddersfield and elsewhere—Activity of O'Connor—Plans 
			for the Association—A Convention and a new Petition.
 
			
 CHAPTER XV
 FALSE DOCTRINE, HERESY, 
			AND SCHISM (1841-1812)
 
 (1) O'CONNOR'S BREACH WITH LOVETT (1841)
 O'Connor's campaign against his rivals—The essential incompatibility between him and Lovett—The National Association and the 
			National Charter Association—Lovett's bad tactics give colour to the 
			charge that the former was set up in rivalry to the 
			latter—Unmeasured attacks on Lovett—March 1841, Lovett's Address of 
			the National Association excites a new outcry—His democratic 
			idealism—Violent opposition of the Star—Its journalistic 
			methods—Members of the Chartist Association forced to dissociate 
			themselves from Lovett's Association—Lovett fails to get general 
			Chartist support, and is virtually ejected from the Chartist ranks.
 
			(2) THE ELIMINATION OF O'BRIEN (1841-1842)
 O'Brien as the Chartist Schoolmaster—His services to Chartist 
			doctrine and propaganda—His financial dependence on O'Connor—His 
			resentment of O'Connor's attitude—Beginnings of the breach—The 
			General Election of 1841—O'Brien denounced O'Connor's policy of 
			voting with the Conservatives—The result was that the Chartists
			voted on no single principle O'Brien's candidature at 
			Newcastle-on-Tyne—His address minimises the Chartist 
			standpoint—Legal problems arising from his refusal to go to the 
			poll—October 1841, his release—The British Statesman started as his 
			organ.
 
			(3) THE COMPLETE SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT (1812)
 The resifting of Chartist interest to Birmingham—Contrast of 
			Birmingham Chartism in 1839 and 1842—Partly a reflection of the 
			general change of the Chartist attitude, but largely due to the 
			continued middle-class element in Birmingham Chartism—The Complete 
			Suffrage Movement and Joseph Sturge—Sturge's "Reconciliation 
			between the Middle and Working Classes"—The "Sturge Declaration" 
			drawn up at an Anti-Corn Law Convention in Manchester—Its principles 
			illustrated—They are embodied in the Birmingham Complete Suffrage 
			Union—Its leaders—Edward Miall and the Nonconformist—Herbert Spencer 
			and his uncle—Friendly attitude of Free Traders—The Union an attempt 
			to organise a single Radical party—Its Chartist supporters—Fierce 
			opposition of O'Connor—Attitude of the Northern Star—Complete 
			Suffrage is "Complete Humbug"—April 5, 1842, Complete Suffrage 
			Conference meets at Birmingham—Its indecisive discussions—Its 
			hesitation to adopt the Charter and its points—The conflict put off 
			till a future date—Stress laid upon the Chartist name—The Complete 
			Suffrage Petition drawn up—State of affairs in Chartist world in 
			spring of 1842—The triangular duel of O'Connor, Lovett, and Sturge.
 
			
 CHAPTER XVI
 THE NATIONAL PETITION OF
			1842
 Progress of the Charter Association in organising the National 
			Petition—Bad trade adds to the Chartist difficulties—The Petition 
			ready—April 12, 1842, the Chartist Convention meets in 
			London—Arrangements for the presentation of the Petition—Address of 
			the Convention—Analysis of the Petition—May 2, The Petition 
			presented to Parliament by Duncombe—May 3, Duncombe's motion that 
			the petitioners be heard—Macaulay's declaration that universal 
			suffrage was fatal to property—Roebuck's ambiguous speech denouncing 
			O'Connor but supporting the motion—Lord John Russell's and Peel's 
			speeches—Defeat of the resolution.
 
			
 CHAPTER XVII
 THE DECLINE OF CHARTISM (1842-1853)
 
 (1) THE PLUG PLOT AND ITS
			CONSEQUENCES (1842-1843)
 Meetings denouncing the rejection of the Petition—The general 
			strike—The Plug Plot—Chartist Conference in Manchester—MacDouall's 
			inflammatory manifesto—O'Connor's attack on MacDouall—Failure of the 
			strike—The Government re-establishes order—Prosecutions and punishments—MacDouall driven into exile—Revival of the Complete 
			Suffrage Movement—Second Birmingham Conference of December 1842—Harney's 
			defence of the Chartist name—Lovett's resolution carried and break-up of the Conference—O'Connor's fresh triumph—Sentences on the 
			rioters.
 
			(2) O'CONNOR'S LAND SCHEME AND THE
			CHARTIST REVIVAL
 (1843-1847)
 Sluggishness of Chartism in 1843—The Birmingham Convention 
			(1843)—New organisation of the National Charter Association—The 
			Executive to meet in London—Transference of the Northern Star from 
			Leeds to London (1844)—O'Connor's Land Scheme proposed—Its 
			origin—O'Connor's Letters to Irish Landlords—Reception of the Scheme 
			at Birmingham (1843) and Manchester (1844)—Further progress at the 
			London Convention (1845)—Details of the Scheme—Revival of prosperity 
			weakens Chartism—Opposition to the Land Scheme within the Chartist 
			fold—Opposition of O'Brien and Cooper—The National Land 
			Company—Difficulties of the undertaking—O'Connor's qualities and 
			defects—O'Connorville opened—Ernest Jones becomes O'Connor's chief 
			lieutenant—Chartists and the General Election of 1847—O'Connor 
			returned for Nottingham—His work in Parliament.
 
			(3) CHARTISM AND THE REVOLUTION OF
			1848
 The Revolution of 1848 in Western Europe—The Chartist affinities 
			with the Continental rebels—Arthur O'Connor and his nephew 
			Feargus—O'Connor in Belgium—His relations with the German democrats 
			exiled in Brussels—Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx—London as a 
			revolutionary centre—The Chartist revival stimulated by the fall of 
			Louis Philippe—Chartist disturbances—March 6,
			The Trafalgar Square meeting—April 3, The Convention in London 
			—Preparations for the presentation of the National 
			Petition O'Connor's Constitution-making— Counter-preparations of 
			the Government—April 10, The meeting on Kennington Common—Its 
			peaceful and unenthusiastic character—Threatened disturbances in 
			Manchester—The analysis of the Petition by a Commons 
			Committee—Collapse of the Land Scheme after a Commons Committee's 
			Report—Trials and imprisonments—Failure of the movement.
 
			(4) THE LAST STAGES OF
			CHARTISM (1849-1858)
 Slow stages of the final collapse of Chartism—Illness and death of 
			O'Connor—Ernest Jones as leader—His qualities and their defects—His 
			journalistic efforts—His proposals for the reform of the 
			organisation—His failures and retirement—Other abortive schemes for 
			the reorganisation of Chartism—Lovett's People's League—O'Brien's 
			National Reform League—Clark's National Charter League—Extinction of 
			the Movement—Later history of the Chartist leaders—Ernest Jones's 
			life in Manchester—The Chartist patriarchs.
 
			(5) THE PLACE OF CHARTISM IN
			HISTORY
 How far was Chartism a failure?—The gradual realisation of its 
			political programme, but not through the Chartists—Had Chartism a 
			social and economic programme?—Negative character of the politics 
			of the period—The concentration of effort on the removal of 
			disabilities—Divergencies in the Chartist ranks as to the social 
			ideal—The schools of Chartism—The agrarian and the industrial 
			schools—Inability of the Chartists to unite except in 
			negations—Chartism as an effort towards democracy and social 
			equality—Its contrast with Young Englandism—Chartism and the 
			Churches—Difficult position of the Chartist leaders—Their necessary 
			want of experience—Their indirect influence in the next 
			generation—Their protest against Cobdenism and Utilitarianism bore 
			fruit in the next generation—Value of its pioneer work—Its 
			preparation of the workers to take a real share in political and 
			social movements—Its influence on Continental socialism—The 
			beginnings of popular democracy.
 
			BIBLIOGRAPHY
 
			――――♦――――
 |