CONTENTS
PORTRAIT OF MARK
HOVELL
PREFACE TO THE FIRST
EDITION
PREFACE TO THE SECOND
EDITION
INTRODUCTION: MARK
HOVELL, 1888-1916
CHAPTER I
THE CHARTER AND ITS ORIGIN
The National Charter—Its preamble—Six Points and
minor provisions—Its programme of Parliamentary Reform—Origins of
the movement for Parliamentary Reform—The Army debates in 1647 and
the Instrument of Government, 1653—The Radical programme in the
eighteenth century—Its revival after Waterloo— Dissatisfaction of
Radical reformers with the Reform Act of 1832.
CHAPTER II
THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
1815-1840 the critical years of the Industrial
Revolution—Large scale production and machinery triumph over small
production and domestic organisation—Social and economic
difficulties resulting from the change—The transition easier in some
industries than others—The worst difficulties were in those trades
where the old and new systems long coexisted side by side—Contrast
between the spinning and weaving trades—The latter long a
transitional industry, remaining partly domestic, but under
capitalist control—The long agony of the handloom weavers—Instances
of various types—The silk-weavers of Coventry—The cotton-weavers of
Lancashire and the woollen-weavers of Yorkshire—The stockingers and
the hosiery trade in the Midlands—Bagmen and frame rents—Quarrying
and mining—The batty and the gang system—The employment of women and
children—Want of organisation and care for the welfare of the new
industrial population—The social and economic background of
Chartism.
CHAPTER III
THE RISE OF ANTI-CAPITALIST
ECONOMICS AND
SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY THEORY
Effects of the French Revolution and of the
Industrial Revolution on English political and social ideas—Social
dislocation resulting from Industrial Revolution—Movement and
enterprise replace security as basis of economic life—Practical
grievances of the wage. earners—Beginnings of socialistic
literature—Three schools of early socialism—The agrarians and their
revolt against enclosures—Doctrine of natural right to the
land—Thomas Spence—William Ogilvie—Thomas Paine—The
anti-capitalistic critics of the classical economists—Charles Hall
as the link between the first and second schools—Influence of David
Ricardo—His doctrine that Labour is the source of value—Its
development by Thomas Hodgkin to claim for Labour the whole produce
of Industry—The theoretical Communists—Robert Owen—William Thompson
and J. F. Bray—The new Trades Unionism and Robert Owen—The Grand
National Consolidated Trades Union—Its failure—The London group of
Labour leaders—Special position of the London artisans—Their
reaction from orthodox Owenism and its results—The disillusion of
the Reform Bill.
CHAPTER IV
THE LONDON WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION AND
THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER (1836-1839)
Failure of the earlier working men's societies in London—The
agitation in favour of unstamped newspapers—Its partial triumph in
1836—The leaders in the agitation—Francis Place—William Lovett—Henry
Hetherington—James Watson—John Cleave—The same men found the London
Working Men's Association—Two accounts of its origin—Part played by
Lovett in it—Its objects, membership, and proceedings—Its
publications, especially The Rotten House of Commons—Its discussions
at Place's house—Notable new members — Threatened disruption—J. B.
Bernard and the Cambridgeshire Farmers' Association —Rival
short-lived associations—The London Democratic Association—Extension
of Chartist associations over the country—Lovett's missionary
zeal—Addresses to the Queen and to Reformers—Public meeting at Crown
and Anchor—Petition to Commons drawn up—Parliamentary supporters of
the Association—Beginnings of more public propaganda—The prosecution
of the Glasgow Cotton Spinners—Support from the Birmingham Political
Union—Committee to draft a Bill empowered, but does nothing—Place
and Lovett draw up the People's Charter—Failure of the Parliamentary
Radicals to give effective help—Proposal for a National
Convention—The elections for it—Decline in importance of the Working
Men's Association.
CHAPTER V
THE AGITATION AGAINST THE
NEW POOR LAW (1834-1838)
Importance of Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834—The first piece of
radical legislation and the first-fruits of Benthamism—Action of
Edwin Chadwick and the Poor Law Commissioners—Growth of resistance
to the Act—Real suffering caused by it—Plight of handloom weavers
and stockingers—William Cobbett's arguments against it—Outdoor
relief as the share of the poor in the spoils of the Church at the
Reformation—The opposition of local interests to centralisation and
bureaucracy—The cry of vested interests—The resistance to the Act in
Lancashire and Yorkshire, 1836—John Fielden of Todmorden—Richard
Oastler—Joseph Rayner Stephens—The Methodist spirit and the
opposition to the Act—The coming to the North of Augustus Harding
Beaumont and Feargus O'Connor—The Northern Liberator and the
Northern Star—Effectiveness of O'Connor as an agitator in the
factory districts—Death of Beaumont—Absorption of the Anti-Poor Law
movement in Chartism.
CHAPTER VI
THE REVIVAL OF THE BIRMINGHAM POLITICAL
UNION (1837-1838)
Part played by the Birmingham Political Union in the struggle for
the Reform Bill—Its dissolution in 1834—Beginnings of bad trade, and
setting up in 1836 of a Reform Association—Thomas Attwood and the
middle-class Birmingham leaders—Attwood's Currency Schemes—Revival
of the Political Union—Parliamentary Reform to be combined with
Currency Reform—The middle-class leaders and the working-men
followers—Futile attempts to interest the Government in currency
reform—Alliance effected with the Working Men's Association and the
Anti-Poor Law agitators—Douglas draws up the National Petition—Great
meeting at Glasgow adopts the policy—General propaganda
work—Birmingham meeting at Newhall Hill, August 6, 1838—Election of
delegates to the National Convention—Friction between the London
Association and the Birmingham Union—Difficulties caused by the
Currency Scheme—Rupture between the Union and the Northern
extremists —Violence of Stephens and O'Connor—O'Connor patches up
some sort of peace—Note on Attwood's Currency Theories.
CHAPTER VII
THE PEOPLE'S PARLIAMENT (1838-1839)
Combination of the northern, midland, and southern movements for the
attainment of the Charter—The National Petition—The National
Convention—Election of delegates at public meetings—Position of
Manchester in the movement—Violence in the North—First meeting of
the National Convention, February 4, 1839—Its membership and
characteristics—Debates as to the scope of the Convention—J. P.
Cobbett's resolution limiting its work to superintending the
Petition—Its defeat, followed by his withdrawal—House of Commons
invited to meet Convention—War declared against the Anti-Corn Law
League—Discussions on procedure—Rules and Regulations of the
Convention drawn up—Clamour for violent measures outside the
Convention—Harney and the London Democratic Association attack the
mild policy of the Convention—Long delays and hesitations—Decreasing
confidence within the Convention—It is increased by the unfavourable
reports from the "missionaries" sent into the country—Reports from
Birmingham and the south-west—Riots at Devizes—John Richards'
reports from the Potteries—Numerous resignations in the Convention,
including those of the Birmingham delegates—Debate on the right to
possess arms—Debate on ulterior measures—Divided counsels and
indecision—The problem referred to mass meetings—The Petition handed
to Attwood—Removal of the Convention to Birmingham—Its lack of
leadership the chief clause of its failure.
CHAPTER VIII
THE GOVERNMENT PREPARES FOR
ACTION (1839).
General prevalence of poverty and discontent, especially in the
manufacturing and mining districts—Local effects of the "missionaries"' work—Illustrations from Newport (Mon.), Halifax, and
Manchester—Government preparations to resist threatened
rising—Prudence of Lord John Russell—Lack of police and consequent
inevitableness of military action—The appointment of Sir Charles
Napier to command the northern district—His wise policy—The
disposition of his troops—Colonel Wemyss at Manchester—Government
proclamation against unlawful assemblies—Authorisation of the
formation of a civic force.
CHAPTER IX
THE CONVENTION AT BIRMINGHAM (1839)
Ministerial crisis of May 1839—Its effects on Chartist calculations
—Inevitable postponement of the Petition—Isolation of the Convention
in London—Its complaints of lack of support—Comparative attractions
of Birmingham—Changed position there—Collapse of the Attwoodites and
transference of the Chartist leadership to working men—Collins and
Fussell—Fussell's account of the meetings in the Bull Ring—Their
prohibition—Last debates of Convention in London—O'Connor's motion
for transference to Birmingham carried—"Address to the People"
moved—O'Brien's violent address carried in preference to Lowery's
moderate one—May 13 the Convention reaches Birmingham—Its first work
to issue "The Manifesto of the General Convention"—Its
terms—Ulterior measures to be adopted on failure of the
Petition—Their weakness as compared with language of Manifesto—Timid
action and adjournment until July 1—Action of civil and military
authorities throughout the country—Threatened Whitsuntide
disturbances—Wemyss's vigorous action against
Ashton-under-Lyne—Riots at Llanidloes, Monmouth, and
Stone—Incendiary hand-bill circulated in Manchester—Napier's view as
to the prospects—Precautions at Manchester—Kersal Moor
demonstration—More resignations from the Convention—Its resumed
sessions after July 1—July 4, Bull Ring riot—Provoked by lack of
judgment of magistrates—Convention condemns them in resolutions
signed by Lovett—Arrest of Lovett and Collins—Threatened troubles at
Ashton and Manchester—Removal of Convention to London—It issues
denunciation of Birmingham magistrates and of paper money.
CHAPTER X
THE PETITION IN THE COMMONS:
END OF THE CONVENTION (1839)
July 12, 1839, Debate on Attwood's motion that the Commons go into
Committee to consider the National Petition—Speeches of Attwood and
Fielden—Lord John Russell's speech against the motion—Disraeli's
speech disapproving of Charter, but sympathising with Chartists—The
division—Motion defeated by 235 to 46—July 15-17, Debates in
Convention—A "National Holiday" to begin on August 12—July 15,
Renewed Riots in Bull Ring, Birmingham—Cold reception of strike
proposal—July 22, It is rescinded by Convention on O'Brien's
motion—Committee appointed to take sense of people on the
strike—Most places unfavourable—Views of Northern Political Union
and of Robert Knox—The Trades Unions outside the Chartist
ranks—Convention adjourns Bill, August—Dying out of strike
movement—Arrests and trials—Trials of Stephens at Chester and of
Lovett and Collins at Warwick—Attitude of Lovett—Reassembly and
dissolution of the Convention—Its final weakness.
CHAPTER XI
SEDITION, PRIVY CONSPIRACY,
AND REBELLION (1839-1840)
Attitude of physical force Chartists outside Convention—The Newport
Rising of November 4--Difficulty in ascertaining the truth as to its
origin and course—The story of David Urquhart—Beniowski and Russian
intrigues—Other versions of the story—General rising projected for
which an outbreak in South Wales was to be the signal—Committees at
various centres—Activity of Vincent and, after his arrest, of Frost
in Newport and the Monmouthshire valleys—The rendezvous at Risca—The
night march to Newport—The fighting round the Westgate Hotel—The
suppression of the Rising and the arrest of the leaders—Preparations
for their defence—Ambiguous attitude of O'Connor—Preparations for a
second rising throughout the country—Reports by magistrates and
police—Bradford—Manchester— Birmingham—The hosiery districts—London—Halifax—Nothing serious to happen—Depression of Manchester
and Birmingham Chartists—Trial and condemnation of Frost, Jones, and
Williams—Some small outbreaks, mainly in Yorkshire, easily
suppressed-1840, Further trials and imprisonments—End of the first
phase of Chartism—Its want of homogeneity its chief
weakness—Diversity of aim made co-operation in revolutionary action
impossible.
CHAPTER XII
THE CHARTIST REVIVAL (1840-1841)
Weakness of Chartism during spring of 1840—Proposals to organise the
movement more thoroughly—The beginnings in Scotland—August 15, 1839,
Delegates meeting at the Universalist Church, Glasgow—Its
resolutions—The Chartist Circular—Harney's proposals—Schemes of "Republican"—O'Connor's plans for a Chartist newspaper
syndicate—Revival of local bodies—Hetherington and the Metropolitan
Charter Union—The Newcastle Northern Political Union—July 20, 1840,
Meeting at the Griffin, Great Ancoats Street, Manchester—Plans for
the National Charter Association drawn up and adopted—Its objects
and methods—Its revision to make it legal—Difficulties imposed by
the law on political associations—The provisional and the elected
executives—Plans of the moral force sections—Christian Chartism—The
Chartist Churches—Arthur O'Neill at Birmingham—Report of his
sermons—Henry Vincent at Bath—David Brewster at Paisley—Lovett's
proposals—His correspondence with Place—His Chartism—His plans for a
National Association for Promoting the Improvement of the People—Its
educational and individualist policy—Place's criticisms—July 25,
Lovett's release and establishment in London —Thomas Cooper's
plans—His early career and character—How he became a Chartist at
Leicester—His Shaksperean Association of Leicester Chartists—The
revival resulting from all these efforts.
CHAPTER XIII
CHARTISM VERSUS FREE TRADE (1842-1844)
Parallel growth of Chartism and the Anti-Corn Law League—Grounds for
the antagonism between Chartists and Free Traders—A phase of the
class war—Policy of meeting-smashing—Divergencies of aim of the
Chartists—Illustrated from Williams at Sunderland and Leach at
Manchester—Attitude of the Northern Star—Futility of Chartist
attitude.
CHAPTER XIV
O'CONNORISM (1841-1842)
August 30, 1841, release of O'Connor from York Gaol—His influence on
the agitation during his imprisonment—His direction of the National
Charter Association—Petitions for the release of the Newport
leaders—Ways in which the Northern Star promoted O'Connor's ends—Its
journalistic success—Its commercial influence—Chartist leaders
become O'Connor's servants and dependents—Continued faith of the
mass of Chartists in him—Illustration of this from Thomas
Cooper—Demonstrations on O'Connor's release—Demonstration and
procession at Huddersfield and elsewhere—Activity of O'Connor—Plans
for the Association—A Convention and a new Petition.
CHAPTER XV
FALSE DOCTRINE, HERESY,
AND SCHISM (1841-1812)
(1) O'CONNOR'S BREACH WITH LOVETT (1841)
O'Connor's campaign against his rivals—The essential incompatibility between him and Lovett—The National Association and the
National Charter Association—Lovett's bad tactics give colour to the
charge that the former was set up in rivalry to the
latter—Unmeasured attacks on Lovett—March 1841, Lovett's Address of
the National Association excites a new outcry—His democratic
idealism—Violent opposition of the Star—Its journalistic
methods—Members of the Chartist Association forced to dissociate
themselves from Lovett's Association—Lovett fails to get general
Chartist support, and is virtually ejected from the Chartist ranks.
(2) THE ELIMINATION OF O'BRIEN (1841-1842)
O'Brien as the Chartist Schoolmaster—His services to Chartist
doctrine and propaganda—His financial dependence on O'Connor—His
resentment of O'Connor's attitude—Beginnings of the breach—The
General Election of 1841—O'Brien denounced O'Connor's policy of
voting with the Conservatives—The result was that the Chartists
voted on no single principle O'Brien's candidature at
Newcastle-on-Tyne—His address minimises the Chartist
standpoint—Legal problems arising from his refusal to go to the
poll—October 1841, his release—The British Statesman started as his
organ.
(3) THE COMPLETE SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT (1812)
The resifting of Chartist interest to Birmingham—Contrast of
Birmingham Chartism in 1839 and 1842—Partly a reflection of the
general change of the Chartist attitude, but largely due to the
continued middle-class element in Birmingham Chartism—The Complete
Suffrage Movement and Joseph Sturge—Sturge's "Reconciliation
between the Middle and Working Classes"—The "Sturge Declaration"
drawn up at an Anti-Corn Law Convention in Manchester—Its principles
illustrated—They are embodied in the Birmingham Complete Suffrage
Union—Its leaders—Edward Miall and the Nonconformist—Herbert Spencer
and his uncle—Friendly attitude of Free Traders—The Union an attempt
to organise a single Radical party—Its Chartist supporters—Fierce
opposition of O'Connor—Attitude of the Northern Star—Complete
Suffrage is "Complete Humbug"—April 5, 1842, Complete Suffrage
Conference meets at Birmingham—Its indecisive discussions—Its
hesitation to adopt the Charter and its points—The conflict put off
till a future date—Stress laid upon the Chartist name—The Complete
Suffrage Petition drawn up—State of affairs in Chartist world in
spring of 1842—The triangular duel of O'Connor, Lovett, and Sturge.
CHAPTER XVI
THE NATIONAL PETITION OF
1842
Progress of the Charter Association in organising the National
Petition—Bad trade adds to the Chartist difficulties—The Petition
ready—April 12, 1842, the Chartist Convention meets in
London—Arrangements for the presentation of the Petition—Address of
the Convention—Analysis of the Petition—May 2, The Petition
presented to Parliament by Duncombe—May 3, Duncombe's motion that
the petitioners be heard—Macaulay's declaration that universal
suffrage was fatal to property—Roebuck's ambiguous speech denouncing
O'Connor but supporting the motion—Lord John Russell's and Peel's
speeches—Defeat of the resolution.
CHAPTER XVII
THE DECLINE OF CHARTISM (1842-1853)
(1) THE PLUG PLOT AND ITS
CONSEQUENCES (1842-1843)
Meetings denouncing the rejection of the Petition—The general
strike—The Plug Plot—Chartist Conference in Manchester—MacDouall's
inflammatory manifesto—O'Connor's attack on MacDouall—Failure of the
strike—The Government re-establishes order—Prosecutions and punishments—MacDouall driven into exile—Revival of the Complete
Suffrage Movement—Second Birmingham Conference of December 1842—Harney's
defence of the Chartist name—Lovett's resolution carried and break-up of the Conference—O'Connor's fresh triumph—Sentences on the
rioters.
(2) O'CONNOR'S LAND SCHEME AND THE
CHARTIST REVIVAL
(1843-1847)
Sluggishness of Chartism in 1843—The Birmingham Convention
(1843)—New organisation of the National Charter Association—The
Executive to meet in London—Transference of the Northern Star from
Leeds to London (1844)—O'Connor's Land Scheme proposed—Its
origin—O'Connor's Letters to Irish Landlords—Reception of the Scheme
at Birmingham (1843) and Manchester (1844)—Further progress at the
London Convention (1845)—Details of the Scheme—Revival of prosperity
weakens Chartism—Opposition to the Land Scheme within the Chartist
fold—Opposition of O'Brien and Cooper—The National Land
Company—Difficulties of the undertaking—O'Connor's qualities and
defects—O'Connorville opened—Ernest Jones becomes O'Connor's chief
lieutenant—Chartists and the General Election of 1847—O'Connor
returned for Nottingham—His work in Parliament.
(3) CHARTISM AND THE REVOLUTION OF
1848
The Revolution of 1848 in Western Europe—The Chartist affinities
with the Continental rebels—Arthur O'Connor and his nephew
Feargus—O'Connor in Belgium—His relations with the German democrats
exiled in Brussels—Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx—London as a
revolutionary centre—The Chartist revival stimulated by the fall of
Louis Philippe—Chartist disturbances—March 6,
The Trafalgar Square meeting—April 3, The Convention in London
—Preparations for the presentation of the National
Petition O'Connor's Constitution-making— Counter-preparations of
the Government—April 10, The meeting on Kennington Common—Its
peaceful and unenthusiastic character—Threatened disturbances in
Manchester—The analysis of the Petition by a Commons
Committee—Collapse of the Land Scheme after a Commons Committee's
Report—Trials and imprisonments—Failure of the movement.
(4) THE LAST STAGES OF
CHARTISM (1849-1858)
Slow stages of the final collapse of Chartism—Illness and death of
O'Connor—Ernest Jones as leader—His qualities and their defects—His
journalistic efforts—His proposals for the reform of the
organisation—His failures and retirement—Other abortive schemes for
the reorganisation of Chartism—Lovett's People's League—O'Brien's
National Reform League—Clark's National Charter League—Extinction of
the Movement—Later history of the Chartist leaders—Ernest Jones's
life in Manchester—The Chartist patriarchs.
(5) THE PLACE OF CHARTISM IN
HISTORY
How far was Chartism a failure?—The gradual realisation of its
political programme, but not through the Chartists—Had Chartism a
social and economic programme?—Negative character of the politics
of the period—The concentration of effort on the removal of
disabilities—Divergencies in the Chartist ranks as to the social
ideal—The schools of Chartism—The agrarian and the industrial
schools—Inability of the Chartists to unite except in
negations—Chartism as an effort towards democracy and social
equality—Its contrast with Young Englandism—Chartism and the
Churches—Difficult position of the Chartist leaders—Their necessary
want of experience—Their indirect influence in the next
generation—Their protest against Cobdenism and Utilitarianism bore
fruit in the next generation—Value of its pioneer work—Its
preparation of the workers to take a real share in political and
social movements—Its influence on Continental socialism—The
beginnings of popular democracy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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