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CHAPTER XXXII.
CO-OPERATIVE FARMING
"Parson do preach, and tell we to pray,
And to think of our work, and not ask more pay:
And to follow ploughshare, and never think
Of crazy cottage and ditch-stuff's stink,
.
.
.
.
.
.
And a'bids me pay my way like a man,
Whethar I can't, or whether I can:
And, as I han't beef, to be thankful for bread,
And bless the Lord it ain't turmuts instead:
.
.
.
.
.
.
I'm to call all I gits 'the chastening rod,'
And look up to my betters, and then thank God."
Punch. |
SEEING that social schemes of life are as old as
Society, and that the first form was that of communism, which meant
co-operative uses of the land, it is singular that the first idea should
be the last in realisation.
A much-needed employment of Co-operation is in agriculture.
The most important application of it occurred in the restless land of
potatoes and whiteboys. Amid the bogs of Ralahine an experiment of
co-operative agriculture produced great results. The story of its
singular success has been given in the chapter on "Lost
Communities."
Mr. James B. Bernard, who dated from King's College,
Cambridge, wrote in the New Moral World November 29, 1834, in
favour of a scheme of raising the status of the agricultural labourer as
well as the mechanic. A committee of twenty-two members of
Parliament published a small 2d. monthly paper at 11, Waterloo Place, Pall
Mall, in promotion of this object. Mr. E. S. Cayley, M.P. for the
North Riding of Yorkshire, was chairman of this early project. Mr.
Bernard was a Fellow of Cambridge. It was not often that the New
Moral World had so respectable a contributor. We are apt to
think when we hear of a baronet or a lord contemplating setting apart 300
acres of land for the purposes of co-operative farms, that the
agricultural millennium is arriving by an express train; but we may read
in the Morning Herald of 1830 that a peer had several years before
set off 500 lots of land, consisting of about five acres each, for a
similar purpose.
The testimony of Lord Brougham as to what might be
accomplished by uniting agricultural and other industries with instruction
and culture, was very explicit. Mr. Fellenberg, of Hofwyl, in
Switzerland, made a famous attempt to prove this. In the beginning
of the eighteenth century Mr. Fellenberg's agricultural college was the
talk of Europe. Robert Owen sent his sons to it, and Lord, then Mr.,
Brougham went to see it. He declared that the habits of common
labour are perfectly reconcilable with those of a contemplative and even
scientific life, and that a keen relish for the pleasures of speculation
may be united with the most ordinary pursuits of the poor. "All
this," he said, "seems to be proved by the experiment of Mr. Fellenberg.
His farm is under 220 acres; his income, independent of the profit he
derives from breeding horses (in which he is very skilful), and his
manufacture of husbandry implements, does not exceed £500 a year. . . .
The extraordinary economy," he observed, "is requisite to explain the
matter: for although the academy and institute are supported by the richer
pupils, these pay a very moderate sum; and the family, who are wholly
supported and lodged at Hofwyl, amounts to 180 persons. These dine
at six different tables, and their food though simple is extremely good."
When Mr. Brougham was there he found seven or eight German princes among
the pupils, besides several sons of German nobles, and the Prince and
Princess of Wurtemberg were expected to visit the place to arrange for
placing another young prince there. There never has been a doubt
among men of observation that the agricultural life of England is the
dullest and most ignominious known, as far as the labourers in southern
and western counties are concerned. Mr. Mill has applauded the métayer
system of other countries as including co-operative usages attended with
many advantages. The cultivator is a métayer.
In former days any relation between labourers and farmers, in
which the labourers did all the work and the farmer did not take
everything, was called "co-operative" farming, Mr. John Gurdon's paternal
arrangements of this kind with certain labourers at Assington, was thought
much of. In 1862 the Times sent a commissioner to Rochdale to
report upon co-operative proceedings there. In consequence of what
the editor said upon the subject Mr. Gurdon wrote to the Times,
giving his own account of what he had done, saying: "About thirty years
ago, upon a small farm in Suffolk becoming vacant, I called together
twenty labourers and offered to lend them capital without interest if they
would undertake to farm it, subject to my rules and regulations.
They gladly availed themselves of my offer. In the course of ten
years they paid me back my capital, so that I was induced to let another
farm of 150 acres to thirty men upon the same terms. These have also
nearly paid me back the capital lent to them, and instead of eating dry
bread, as I regret to say many of the agricultural labourers are now
doing, each man has his bacon, and numberless comforts which he never
possessed before; thus the rates are reduced, as these fifty families are
no longer burdensome. The farmers are sure to meet with honest men,
as conviction of crime would debar them of their share, and the men
themselves have become much more intelligent and present happy, cheerful
countenances. If every country gentleman would follow my example,
distress among the agricultural poor would not be known. I merely
add I have no land so well farmed." At the same time the Rev. Banks
Robinson, vicar of Little Wallingfield, Suffolk, living near Mr. Gurdon's
place, wrote to the Co-operator to say he had visited Assington and
thought highly of Mr. Gurdon's friendliness to the labourers and the kind
intention of his plans, but they were not co-operative as the word was
understood in Rochdale. Ten years later my colleague, Mr. E. R.
Edger, visited Mr. Crisell, the manager of the farm whom the Rev. Mr.
Robinson had found to be of "manly, open, and ingenious appearance,"
beyond what he expected of one belonging to the "depressed" class.
Mr. Edger sent me this report:—
"I paid a visit to Assington, and had a conversation with the manager, Mr.
Crisell (pronounced with i long, 'Cry-sell'). I can feel no enthusiasm at
all about
the Assington Farm. There seems no 'co-operation' in the right sense
of the term, but only bounty of the squire towards poor neighbours.
"(1) It is limited to inhabitants of the parish.
"(2) Each member can hold only one share.
"(3) Members have no voice in the management.
"(4) Wages to workmen same as usual.
"(5) No special inducement offered to the workmen to
become shareholders. The manager remarked that they did not care
particularly to employ the members; this seems to me very significant.
"It has been in existence forty-one years, so it will take a long time to
renovate society that way. Remember, I only give my impressions."
Still they are the "impressions" any one has who looks at the matter from
a co-operative point of view. Mr. Gurdon's merit was that he did something
for
labourers around him when few squires did anything; and his isolated
example has served to call the attention of others to what may be done
without
loss by squires of ordinary good intentions. That what Mr. Gurdon did in
this way should be the only notable effort of his class during forty years
in
England, is the most melancholy measure of the tardiness of thought for
the agricultural labourer's improvement the reader will find anywhere.
What an honourable stride from Assington is that made by Lord George
Manners at Ditton Lodge Farm, near Newmarket! Writing to the Agricultural
Gazette, in 1873, his lordship states:—
"At my harvest supper in August, 1871, I informed my labourers that,
commencing from Michaelmas, 1872, I should take them into a qualified
partnership,
paying them their ordinary wages, but dividing between capital and labour
any surplus above the sum required to pay 10 per cent. (5 per cent. as
interest,
and 5 per cent. as profit) on the capital invested in the business: or,
in other words, that I should
take half such surplus, and divide the other half among those who had
laboured on the farm the whole of the preceding twelve months. I have
recently
made up accounts for the twelve months ending Michaelmas, 1873, and I have
a surplus, after paying capital l0 per cent., of £71 16s. 6d.; there
will,
therefore, be a sum of £36 18s. 3d, for division among the labourers,
which will give each man a sum of £3. Many will shake their heads and say,
'All very
well; but if the next is a bad year, you will have to bear the whole
loss.' My answer is, 'Quite true; but who can say that my loss may not
be less than it
would otherwise have been, owing to the stimulus which this system can
scarcely fail to exert on the labourer in his daily work?"
The answer here italicised denotes greater knowledge of Co-operation than
many co-operators show. Mr. William Lawson, of Blennerhasset Farm, had a
famous stallion which he named "Co-operation." Some Newmarket breeder
would find " Industrial Partnership " a good name for the favourite at the
Derby.
Lord Hampton, when Sir John Pakington, spoke in 1872 with great liberality
upon the same subject. He said "he supported the idea of co-operative
farms
and an extension or the system of co-operative stores into every village
of the kingdom. As to the question of compensation for unexhausted
improvements, he considered that such compensation was only simple
justice. In the lease there should be covenants to protect the landlord in
the concluding years of the term, and there should be equal justice to the
tenant for unexhausted improvements."
Mr. Walter Morrison has afforded the means for farm hands conducting a
real co-operative farm at Brampton Bryan, in Herefordshire. As a rule few
landowners think seriously of the advantages of this form of industry, and
labourers have fewer facilities of learning how to conduct farms than
artisans
have of learning how to conduct manufactories, so that co-operative farming
will make slower progress than co-operative workshops. For a farm to
succeed in the hands of labourers requires the presence and guidance of a
good farmer, until they acquire the habits of management. The Assington
labourers would not have made much of the facilities Mr.
Gurdon kindly provided, had he not been near to countenance and control
the results.
The most remarkable of all the experiments of agricultural co-operation is
that recorded by Mr. William Lawson (a brother of Sir Wilfrid Lawson, M.P.)
in
his "Ten Years of Gentleman Farming." Mr. Lawson spent more than £30,000
in this way. Though this large sum was spent it could hardly be said to be
lost, since at any point of his many experiments he might have made money
had he been so minded. But he proceeded on the plan of a man who built
one-storey houses, and as soon as he found that they let at a paying rent,
pulled them down and built two-storey houses to see if they would pay, and
when he found that they answered, he demolished them, and put up houses of
three storeys, and no sooner were they profitably occupied, than he turned
out the inhabitants and pulled them down. What he lost was by the rapidity
of his changes, rather than by the failure of his plans, for he had
sagacity as great as the generosity of his intentions. His chief farm was
at Blennerhasset, in Cumberland. He was the first to introduce the steam
plough into the country, and every form of scientific farming matured
between 1860 and 1870. He maintained for the use of his neighbours, two
travelling
steam engines, which he named Cain and Abel. He founded co-operative
stores, supplying the capital himself, which ill-judged paternalism
destroyed
self-helping effort in the members. At Blennerhasset he founded a People's
Parliament, where all those employed upon the various farms and all the
villagers, periodically assembled and discussed the management of the
co-operative farms and the qualities and characters of the managers. This
was a
dangerous feature borrowed from Oneida. The result to the farm was great
variety of counsel, and some of the drollest debates and votes ever
recorded. The effect upon the people was, however, very good. Mr. Lawson's plan of
inviting miscellaneous criticism
is not so silly as it looks. If you do not feel bound to take all the
advice you get, and are strong enough not to be confused by contradictory
opinions,
there is no more economical way known of getting wisdom. Even disagreeable
people have their value in this way. There must be
education of some kind, at least of neighbourly feeling, for it is easy to
promote the welfare of those you like, but how about the people you do not
like? When quarrelsome people come into such a society they begin to discuss,
not the merits of the society, but each other. It is a difficult thing for
people to
act together—neither people devoted to politics nor people devoted to
religion can do it without training. Some years after the farms were sold,
I found
more intelligence and ready sense among the villagers than I ever met with
elsewhere. On a plot of land at Aspatria, bearing the name of Noble, Mr.
Lawson built Noble Temple,
a public hall, always available for lectures. He also established medical
dispensaries, schools, and news-rooms. No agricultural
population was ever so liberally or generously cared for in England. Mr.
Lawson's "Ten Years of Gentleman Farming " is the most interesting
and amusing book in
co-operative literature. Never was landowner more sagacious, inventive,
genial, liberal or changeable—not in his generous purpose but in his
methods. Had he been less paternal and taught his people the art of
self-help, he had been a great benefactor.
The rise of the Agricultural Labourers' Union had the effect of promoting
Distributive Co-operation. Many labourers never heard of Co-operation, or
did not
think much of it,
though acquainted with it. The general impression was that it might do
very well for mechanics in towns. This kind of impression is not peculiar
to
agricultural labourers. Most people consider new improvement may suit
somebody else. The comfortable sense of self-perfection, with which
many persons are endowed, leads to a complacent judgment we so well know. One of the co-operative stores recently set up by the members of the
Agricultural Union numbered sixty persons. Their business and profits
being in considerable confusion, Mr. John Butcher was asked to look into
their affairs. He saw at once that they needed an intelligent secretary. "Have you no carpenter among you," was his first inquiry, "one with a
little skill in
figures, who could keep your books?" The answer was, "We have no such
person." "Surely," Mr. Butcher observed, "you do not mean to say that
there is
no carpenter in the village?" "Oh yes," was the answer—"we have several, but they are not members of the
Union." "You do not mean to say that you require every member of the store
to
be a member of the Union?" The unhesitating reply was, "Oh, but we do. The doctor and the parson would have joined our store, to have encouraged
us
to improve our position, but we would not have them because they were not
members of the Union." And it turned out that the lawyer would have
joined the store, but did not see his way to becoming a member of the
Union. It transpired that a noble earl, having property in the
neighbourhood, and a
seat hard by, would have joined the store, from an honourable feeling of
encouraging the poor men in efforts of social self-help, but he was
refused
because he had not qualified himself by entering his name as a member of
the Agricultural Labourers' Union. Mr. Butcher explained to the exacting
labourers that Co-operation took no account of politics, religion, or
social station, and regarded members
only as they subscribed capital and purchased goods. Thus, some of these
stipulating Unionists, whom exclusiveness treated as a caste, and
whom isolation kept poor, came to see that it ill became them to imitate
the narrowness which degraded them, and the jealousy which impoverished
them.
In 1867 the Society of Agricultural Co-operation named previously was
formed under the title of the Agricultural and Horticultural Association,
Limited. The following table shows its progress from 1868 to 1877:—
Date |
Members |
Share Capital |
Deposit
Capital |
Sales |
Net Gain to
Members |
|
|
£ |
£
s. d. |
£ s. d. |
£ s. d. |
1868 |
174 |
1,066 |
— |
10,342 0 5 |
493 2 3 |
1869 |
235 |
3,584 |
— |
19,102 4 3 |
433 6 5 |
1870 |
315 |
4,256 |
— |
21,521 2 8 |
1,151 6 4 |
1871 |
430 |
5,275 |
— |
29,351 0 11 |
1,127 18 11 |
1872 |
578 |
9,045 |
1,165 18 0 |
47,490 2 5 |
2,083 9 8 |
1873 |
783 |
12,153 |
3,958 4 8 |
56,336 15 2 |
2,585 5 9 |
1874 |
892 |
13,542 |
7,793 6 8 |
64,676 15 8 |
2,914 1 11 |
1875 |
978 |
15,352 |
6,515 18 2 |
64,428 2 3 |
1,741 9 0 |
1876 |
1,041 |
15,955 |
17,360 9 8 |
66,405 1 0 |
— |
1877 |
1,113 |
16,495 |
14,279 15 8 |
89,334 4 1 |
3,120 16 8 |
Some of the Northern stores possess farm property, but agricultural
Co-operation has not made distinctive way. Landowners, friendly to
self-help among
the people, are now disposed to encourage these attempts. Mr. Arthur Trevelyan, of Tyneholm, always foremost where social improvement can be
promoted, offered the Wolfstar and Wester Pencaitiand farms for
co-operative purposes. It is quite worth the while of squires to efface
the feeling Bloomfield described among the agricultural poor of his day,
who were—
"Left distanced in the maddening race
Where'er Refinement showed its hated face." |
CHAPTER XXXIII.
ECCENTRIC AND SINGULAR SOCIETIES
"An obstacle to the co-operation of working men is the
difficulty of getting good, sufficient, and trustworthy instruments for
giving it effect; but wherever that can be done, I commend it without
limit. I cannot say what I think of the value of it. I hope it
will extend to other things which it has scarcely yet touched. I
hope it will extend to all the amusements and recreations of the working
man. It fosters a strong sentiment of self-respect among working
men."—THE RIGHT
HON. W.
E. GLADSTONE at Hawarden,
Speech to Leigh and Tyldesley Liberal Clubs, September, 1877.
No rapidity of narration, no compression of sentences, consistent with
explicitness, can bring into a small compass all the incidents and all the
societies which deservedly challenge notice. There is no choice save
that of noticing the salient features only of those societies which stand
as it were upon the highway of Co-operation. There are always
incidents, amusing or tragical, in beginnings by small means where success
came by the economy of combination.
The societies which reported themselves in 1877 to the
Registrar of Friendly Societies, and those which did not (and are not
given in detail), numbered upwards of a thousand. The reader must
therefore imagine for himself the prolonged panorama on which these
thousand stores might be depicted, as interesting in their way as the
Thousand and One Arabian Nights.
Professor Masson tells us that Herodotus mentions 100,
Aristotle 120 forms of diverse life: communal in some sort, all succeeding
in their day. In hundreds of places in Great Britain where
Co-operation has arisen again and again and had its stores and workshops,
no tradition remains that such stores existed among their forefathers long
ago. Most of the stores mentioned in the following list are deader
than the Dead Cities of the Zuyder Zee, for not a trace of them remains.
But happily live co-operative cities stand on their ruins.
The six earliest societies in England on the co-operative
plan were the following:—
Birmingham (Tailor's Shop), 1777.
Mongewell Oxfordshire (Store), 1794.
Hull (Corn Mill), 1795.
Woolwich (Store), 1806.
Davenport (Store), 1815.
New Lanark (Store), 1816.
London Economical Society (Printers), 1821.
|
MANCHESTER AND SALFORD SOCIETIES,
EXISTING IN 1829 AND 1830.
FIRST CHARLTON ROW, Evan Street, Charlton Row, established
May 3, 1829—18 members—weekly subscriptions is 1s. 1d.—capital
£100—weekly dealings £20—principle to divide at four years' end.
ECONOMICAL, Frederick Street, Salford, established August 22, 1829—30
members—weekly subscription 3d.—capital £57—weekly dealings
£25—principle, division.
TEMPERANCE, 15, Oldfield Road Salford, established October 26, 1829—40
members—weekly subscription 3d.—capital £42—weekly dealings
£14—principle, non-division. [230]
INDEPENDENT HOPE, Hope Street, Salford, established February 26, 1830—45
members—weekly subscription 3d.—capital £70—weekly dealings
£60—principle, non-division.
PERSEVERANCE, 13, Shepley Street, London Road, Manchester, established
April 12, 1830—56 members—weekly subscription 4d.—capital £24—weekly
dealings £11—principle, non-division.
AMICABLE, Ormond Street, Charlton Row, established May 1, 1830—24
members—weekly subscription 4d.—capital £10—weekly dealings
£7—principle, non-division.
FRIENDLY, Bentley's Court, Miles Platting, established April 10, 1830—27
members—weekly subscription 4d.—capital £18—weekly dealings
£6—principle, non-division.
BENEVOLENT, Sandford Street, Ancoats, established April 22, 1830—124
members—weekly subscription 4d.—capital £45—weekly dealings
£46—library 50 books—principle, non-division.
GOOD INTENT, Hope Town, Salford, established May 8, 1830—48
members—weekly subscription 3d.—capital £10—weekly dealings
£7—principle, non-division.
FORTITUDE, Long Millgate, established June 1, 1830—15 members—weekly
subscription 3d.—capital £2—weekly dealings £1—principle, non-division.
[231]
The following is a list of the Societies existing in London
and around of which mention is made in co-operative publications of
1830—3. A few of later date are included from subsequent
periodicals:—
LONDON SOCIETIES.
SOCIETIES'
NAMES. |
PLACE OF
MEETING. |
STOREKEEPER. |
First London |
19, Greville Street, Hatton Garden |
W. Lovett. |
Second London |
6, Little Windmill St., Golden Sq. |
W. Watkins. |
First West London |
33, Queen Street, Bryanstone Square |
W. Freeman. |
New London |
17, Plumber Street, Old Street Road |
— |
London Branch A1 |
— |
C. Gold. |
First Soho |
27, Denmark Street, St. Giles |
J. Elliot. |
Lambeth and Southwark |
3, Webber Street, Waterloo Road |
J. Booth. |
First Westminster |
37, Marsham Street, Vincent Square |
—Jarrold. |
First Pimlico |
8, Ranelagh Street |
— |
First St. James' |
5, Rose Street, Crown Court, Soho |
— |
Pimlico |
— |
— |
First Finsbury |
69, Old Street Road |
Committee. |
Somers Town |
22, Great Clarendon Street |
— |
Islington |
"White Horse," Back Road |
— |
Islington Methodists |
6, High Street, Islington Green |
— |
Hampstead |
"Duke of Hamilton" |
Not trading. |
Pentonville |
Chapel Street |
— |
First Bethnal Green |
9, South Conduit Street |
J. Bredell. |
Second |
17, West Street, North Street |
— |
Third |
"Norfolk Arms" |
— |
Fourth |
Wilmot Grove |
— |
Fifth |
School, Sydney Street, Twigg's Folly |
R. Oliver. |
Sixth |
10, Thomas Street, Buck Lane |
T. Riley. |
Seventh |
"Well and Bucket," Church Street |
— |
Middlesex |
22, St. Ann's Court, Wardour Street |
—Basset. |
Second |
8, Berwick Street, Soho |
Not trading. |
First Southwark |
"Gun," Joiner St., Westminster Rd. |
— |
Southwark |
"Black Bull," Bull Crt., Tooley St. |
— |
Cooper's, Ratcliff |
75, Heath Street, Commercial Road |
S. Sennitt. |
North London |
"Duke of Clarence," Pancras Road |
— |
Second West London |
11, Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Flds.
"The King's Head," Swinton St.,
Gray's Inn Road |
— |
Hand in Hand |
"The Crown," Red Cross Street |
— |
First Hoxton |
"The Bacchus," Old Hoxton |
— |
Kingsland |
— |
— |
Bow |
— |
— |
Whitechapel |
— |
— |
First Stepney |
— |
— |
First Bloomsbury |
"Bull and Mouth," Hart Street |
— |
Metropolitan |
Eagle Coffee House, Farringdon St. |
Committee. |
First Kennington |
The Union, Vassal Road |
— |
First Chelsea |
36, Regent Street, Chelsea Common |
Committee. |
Knightsbridge |
— |
— |
Kensington |
Birch's School Room |
— |
United Christians |
74, Leonard Street, Shoreditch |
G. Richardson. |
Methodists |
Newel, Baker, Wardour Street, Soho |
— |
St. George, Hanover Sq. |
"Portsmouth Arms," Shepherd St. |
Not trading. |
"None of these societies," it was stated, "are at present
manufacturing, but the Owenian expects to begin shortly. With the
exception of the Benevolent they are not yet provided with libraries."
They had the sense in those days to make apologetic confession of the
absence of means of acquiring knowledge.
The following societies are placed alphabetically for
convenience of reference. The year of their formation is given where
it has been traced. Those without dates mostly existed between 1830
and 1833:—
A |
London (see
List of |
Wells |
Allerton 1829 |
Metropolitan Societies) 1821 |
Wolverhampton 1832 |
Almondbury
do. |
Leeds 1829 |
Walsall
do. |
Aberdeen do. |
Loughborough,
1829—1832 |
Wellington
do. |
Ardsley 1831 |
Lindley 1832 |
Wellingborough
do. |
Armitage Bridge 1830 |
Liverpool
1830- do. |
Warwick
do. |
Armagh
do. |
Longroyd do. |
Wisbech
do. |
Ayr 1838 |
Leicester
1829, do. |
Y |
Ashton
do. |
Longford,
near Coventry 1832 |
Yarmouth |
Ackworth 1834 |
Lower Houses,
near |
York 1830 |
Anstey 1828 |
Huddersfield
1834 |
|
Accrington |
Leigh |
|
Ashby-de-la Zouch |
Lynn |
|
B |
Leamington |
|
Birmingham Taylors |
Lutterworth |
|
Manufacturing Society 1777 |
Leeks |
|
Store 1828 |
Lancaster |
|
Broadbottom 1831 |
M |
|
Belper 1829 |
Manchester
(see Manchester |
|
Barnstaple
do. |
and Salford
Societies) 1829 |
|
Brighton 1826 |
Macclesfield
do. |
|
Blackfriars
do. |
Morley
do. |
|
Bradford 1829 |
Marylebone
do. |
|
Bury do. |
Maidstone
do. |
|
Barnsley
do. |
Mansfield
do. |
|
Bolton
do. |
Millsbridge
1830 |
|
Boothfold 1831 |
Miles
Platting do. |
|
Birkacre
do. |
Marseilles [233]
do. |
|
Barns
do. |
Mixenden Lane
1832 |
|
Broadford
do. |
Mixenden
Stones do. |
|
Burslem 1830 |
Mixenden
Rocks do. |
|
Bath 1838 |
Mottram |
|
Bristol
do. |
Malpas |
|
Bilston
do. |
Mossley |
|
Bridgnorth
do. |
Melross |
|
Brighlingren 1832 |
N |
|
Bolton-le-Moor
do. |
Nottingham
1827 |
|
Blackburn
do. |
Newark 1831 |
|
Burnley
do. |
Norwich 1827 |
|
Banbury
do. |
New Mill 1832 |
|
Burton-on-Trent
do. |
New Catton
1830 |
|
Bromsgrove 1832 |
Newchurch
1827 |
|
Bungay
do. |
Newcastle |
|
C |
Northampton |
|
Canterbury 1829 |
O |
|
Congleton
do. |
Oldham 1832 |
|
Chatham
do. |
Oldbury |
|
Clitheroe
do. |
Outwood 1831 |
|
Clayton
do. |
Oxford 1830 |
|
Coventry
do. |
Orbiston
(Scotland) 1826 |
|
Cambridge
do. |
P |
|
Cumberworth 1829-1832 |
Paris 1821 |
|
Cheltenham 1830 |
Preston 1829 |
|
Carlisle
do. |
Prestolee
1830 |
|
Clayton Heights 1833 |
Pilkington
do. |
|
Chester 1830 |
Poole
do. |
|
Chorley |
Peniston 1833 |
|
Cockermouth |
Padiham do. |
|
Colne |
Penkridge do. |
|
Chowbent |
Pudsey
do. |
|
Cromford |
Q |
|
Cambuslang (Scotland) 1829 |
Queenshead
1829 |
|
D |
R |
|
Devonport 1815 |
Rochdale 1830 |
|
Darlington 1827 |
Ralahine
(Ireland) 1831 |
|
Derby
do. |
Runcorn 1830 |
|
Derby 1829 |
Ratcliffe |
|
Dolphin 1833 |
Ripponden
1832 |
|
Dudley |
Rastrick 1833 |
|
Daventry |
S |
|
E |
Sheepshead
1829 |
|
Exeter 1826 |
Stone
do. |
|
Eccleshill 1833 |
Soho
do. |
|
Exhall 1832 |
Sheffield
1830 |
|
F |
Salford 1829 |
|
Finsbury (see London |
Stockport
1839 |
|
Societies) 1829 |
Shipley 1830 |
|
Foleshill
do. |
Stamford
do. |
|
Farnley Tyas 1833 |
Shelley
do. |
|
Failsworth |
Stockmoor do. |
|
G |
St. Colombo,
Cornwall 1830 |
|
Glasgow 1829 |
Syston do. |
|
Godalming 1830 |
St. James
do. |
|
Greenock 1838 |
Stourbridge
1830 |
|
Garstang
do. |
Southampton
do. |
|
H |
Stratford |
|
Halifax 1829 |
Sandbeds 1833 |
|
Hastings
do. |
Shibden 1829 |
|
Horton
do. |
Stafford |
|
Highroyd |
Shrewsbury |
|
Huddersfield 1829—1832 |
Shiffnall |
|
Hothorne 1829 |
T |
|
Holmfirth 1832 |
Thorne 1829 |
|
Hulme 1831 |
Tunbridge
Wells |
|
Holbeck 1830 |
Thurstanland
1830 |
|
Holywell 1830 |
Thames Ditton
do. |
|
Holdsworth 1832 |
Twickenham
do. |
|
Horton Bank Top 1833 |
Thurmaston do. |
|
Horbury 1830 |
Todmorden |
|
Hyde |
Tarporley |
|
Hereford |
Tabley
(Derbyshire) |
|
I |
U |
|
Ipswich 1829 |
Uley 1829 |
|
Indiana (America[232])
1826 |
Upperley 1830 |
|
J |
Unsworth 1832 |
|
Jersey, New 1826 |
W |
|
Jamy Green 1835 |
Worcester
1829 |
|
Jedburgh 1830 |
Westminster
do. |
|
K |
Worthing 1828 |
|
Kidderminster 1829 |
Whitehaven
1829 |
|
Keighley
do. |
Wallingford
do. |
|
Kendal
do. |
Warrington
do. |
|
Kearsley 1831 |
Woolton
do. |
|
Kenilworth |
Wigan
do. |
|
L |
Warley (near
Halifax) 1831 |
|
Lamberhead Green, |
Wasboro'
Bridge 1832 |
|
Wigan 1830 |
Worksworth
(Derbyshire) |
|
There were 125 Co-operative Associations in England and
Scotland in 1829. They were stated to amount to 250 in 1830, to which
number they doubtless amounted, as they were often estimated by competent
authorities in those days at 300. [234]
Forty co-operative societies were formed in London, and about 400 in
various parts of the country, so far back as 1833; and four of them, all
in Yorkshire, still remain (1877).
In Chapter XVI.
the reader has seen the account of the Birmingham Co-operative Workshop of
1777, and in Chapter VIII. Bishop
Barrington's masterly little history of the first store, known in 1794 as
the Village Shop of Mongewell.
The third of the early stores was one established in Hull in
1795. It was not a mere shop, but a society. It was formed by
a few persons for the sale of the necessaries of life at lower prices than
were current among the ordinary retailers. Their transactions were
more particularly in wheat and flour. Eventually it became a corn
mill purely, and has continued to be known as such.
The Hull Industrial Corn Mill is the oldest in the
parliamentary return of 1863, the society there dating 1795. Its
members were given at 3,818—701 having joined during the year 1863—and
none withdrawn, and yet its members in the 1862 returns were only given at
1,900. By what error this arose was not explained. Its shares
of 1862 were 50s. each; in 1863 they were 25s.; the total amount of which
is £4,776, on which it paid 5 per cent. per annum interest. Mr. Nuttall remarked, [235] "Its
sale receipts in 1863 were £38,821, and profit £2,947, or nearly 62 per
cent. on share capital, and 7½ per cent.
on sale receipts, or, as co-operators generally say, about 1s. 6d. per £
for dividend."
If the early books of the Society of the Corn Mill exist,
they might show what manner of people began it, what was their
inspiration, and what were their early adventures.
In October, 1806, twenty-six of the workmen in the Arsenal at
Woolwich determined to resist extortionate demands of the shopkeepers;
they each subscribed 10s. 6d., and sent one of themselves to Smithfield,
where for £20 they purchased a bullock. It was found that in this
manner the price of their meat was reduced exactly one-half—from 9d. to 4½d.
per lb. Their effort had been generally ridiculed, but its success
could not be denied. They were speedily joined by a large number of
other workmen, and were soon able to rent a shed at £20 per annum, where
they occasionally had as many as fifteen cattle at a time. It was
not long before they acted upon the same principle in respect to other
articles of their consumption. They bought tea by the chest, butter
by the load; plums for their Christmas pudding by wholesale; they
contracted for bread at a reduced price. The movement, while it
lasted, was very successful; but the termination of the war put an end to
it. The workmen were thrown out of employment to relapse into the
misery from which they had emerged. It is singular that dealing in
meat, which has been the difficulty of nearly every co-operative society,
and for many years a loss in most, and has had to be abandoned altogether
in others, should have been the great success of the Woolwich Society, the
first which undertook its sale.
Co-operation, extinguished at Woolwich, reappeared at
Devonport in 1815. A shop for the sale of bread was opened in the
town; a corn mill was erected at Toybridge, thirteen miles distant.
It still exists under the name of "Union Mill." To the bakery was
added a coal association, which shared its prosperity. It is worthy
of remark that coal selling, which has often been a difficulty and loss
elsewhere, was one of the successes at Devonport.
Mr. Jonathan Wood informed me in 1872 that he was the second
storekeeper of the Co-operative Benevolent Fund Association (begun 1827),
then at 31, West Street, Brighton. Mr. William Bryan was the first,
who left suddenly for America. Why do not persons who emigrate
abruptly send remittances? Since 1829 that departure is remembered.
The store took land about nine miles from Brighton, built a house upon it,
cultivated a market garden, and sent the produce to the Brighton market.
The store had two cows, two horses and carts, and many pigs. Mr.
Jonathan Wood says, "They did wonders enough to prove what might have been
done had the people been honest enough to do it. Dishonesty of those
on the land broke the affair up." This is one of the many examples
in which the want of legal protection destroyed early stores. Fifty
years later (in 1877) Brighton did not do one-tenth as much in
co-operation as it did in 1827. [236]
The Brighton Society reported in the Associate for May, 1829, that
"early in 1828 a member of the name of G. H. left us for his native place
(Worthing), and there formed a society very similar to our own, except the
payment to the common fund. With them it was formed only for profit;
and from this has sprung up, as a branch, a society at Findon. The
Worthing Co-operative Society soon found reason to regret having begun
business in a manner too expensive for its extent. The hire of a
shop and salary of a person for his whole time were unnecessary for the
first months of their undertaking; besides transferring as much as £70
worth of their goods to the branch at Findon. Though there seemed a
fair opening at that village, and some hearty friends to co-operative
views came forward, it was a hazardous step for a society so young as that
of Worthing." When I was in Worthing in 1877 I spoke with several
members who were quite unaware of the pre-existence of a co-operative
society there in 1828.
The Chester Co-operator for 1830 took for its motto
two long extracts from the Brighton Co-operator of 1829. It
is one of the many instances I have found of the influence of Sussex
co-operation. It is encouragement to advocates to hear of numerous
societies which were formed by so small a paper as the Brighton
Co-operator, issued by Dr. King. It consisted of merely two
small leaves published monthly. A single number of the
Co-operative News contains as much matter as the yearly volume of the
Co-operator did.
According to the account given by Dr. King to Lord Brougham,
the Brighton Co-operative Society of 1828 was quite a curiosity in its
way. Its funds were raised by penny subscriptions. It had 170 members, who
ultimately accumulated £5, with which they commenced their store, and
their first week's sales amounted to half-a-crown! The administration of
the affairs of this society must have been simpler than that of Mongewell. Total receipts of half-a-crown a week could not have been perplexing to
the most bewildered storekeeper. The early Rochdale Pioneers, with £28 of
capital, were wealthy tradesmen compared with those of Brighton.
A Brighton Co-operative Benevolent Fund Association was formed in April,
1827, which spread a knowledge of the principles of Co-operation, and sent
industrious families, not having the means of journeying, to any
co-operative undertaking where they might be required. The original Brighton society changed
its objects three times, and varied its regulations accordingly. The south coast co-operators, nevertheless, did much
for Co-operation in their day.
Darlington furnishes an early instance of a store coming out of a strike. This was in 1827. The wool-combers and stuff weavers of Bradford struck in
that
year for higher wages, and the wool-combers and linen weavers of
Darlington participated in the movement. At the conclusion of the strike
the combers
and wool-sorters of Darlington started a co-operative grocery. The
president of the trade society of Darlington, out of which the store
originated,
was John Brownless, a linen weaver, and it had for its secretary George
Elwin, a shoemaker. The store traded under the name of Topham & Co. After a few years
it fell into a few hands, and ultimately became the private affair of John
Topham.
Twelve years later, in the turbulent year of the Chartists, 1839, the
Socialists and Chartists of Darlington set up another co-operative
provision store. The
shares were ten shillings each. John Brownless, [237] son of the Mr. Brownless previously
named, was one of the directors. This store proposed to give a dividend to
shareholders and a share of profits to customers, who were required to
have their purchases entered in a book as they made them. One Nicholas
Bragg was salesman. Domestic difficulty in his household brought the
society
into unpopularity, and it broke up by a distribution of salts and senna to
each member, being probably the only unsold stock. This is the oddest
final
dividend that is to be met with in the annals of co-operation. Subsequently, allured, peradventure,
by the curious medicinal "bonus" of the last society, the
Oddfellows set up a third store in Darlington. With a portion of their
funds they started a co-operative grocery under the
charge of one John Brason as salesman. This was in 1842.
But as it was in the beginning, so it was in the end. Before long the
store fell into private ownership.
In London a store was opened in John Street, Tottenham Court Road, for the
sale of tea and groceries as early as 1830. This is worth mentioning, as
John
Street was the most famous propagandist street in London, next to
Charlotte Street. In the same year Mr. Allan Davonport's name appears as
offering to prepare a Co-operative Catechism. This was the first proposal
to devise that useful instrument of propagandist statement. A man must
find out what he means, if he did not know before, if he constructs a
successful catechism. Davenport was, when I knew him, well advanced in
years, slender in frame, gentle, earnest, and steadfast in advocating
views. Temperate, frugal, and industrious, yet he never had sufficient for
proper
subsistence. He never complained and never ceased
to try and improve the condition of his order. He was a writer on
agrarianism, which never had a milder advocate.
A stranger hardly knows what to make of Birmingham. It is not
teacup-shaped, like Rochdale, nor a cavity like Stockport, nor a ravine
like
Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Birmingham is neither quite flat nor properly
elevated. It is not a plate, nor a dish, nor a tea-tray, nor any compound
of plane and
rim. It is a disturbed tableland, bounded by woods and blast furnaces. If
you could approach it via Hagley, you might mistake it for Derby; if you
reach it
through "Dudley Port," you would take it to be Sodom and Gomorrah in the
act of undergoing destruction. In 1820—30 the business part of the town
was an expanded Whitechapel, variegated by a Bethnal Green—being in this
case "Deritend," where the Old Crown House, five hundred years old, still
stands sound. Owing to municipal energy and sense Birmingham is growing
into a great pleasant, civilised community. It is precisely that kind of
town where Co-operation should succeed. There was a reputed co-operative
store near the Town Hall, Birmingham, between 1860 and 1870—a mere
shop. Its profits were not capitalised—it had no news-room. Its
administrators were frigid—the members had no co-operative passion. The
store
failed from not knowing its own reason of being. [238] In Birmingham
co-operative "dead men" lie thick about—and some live men too, for real
stores have
arisen there since.
As well as a reputed "Co-operative" Farm, Assington, in Suffolk, has a
real sort of store. A member of the original Assington Co-operative
Society wrote
a letter in the Co-operator of January 10, 1869, "the first time," he
said, "they had attempted to write to a newspaper," which proved them to
be the
quietest co-operators known.
There was a Manchester society in 1831, which had a storekeeper of the
imposing name of William Shelmerdine, who gave a short and instructive
account of the formation of the first Manchester co-operative society. [239]
As the city of Manchester would appear to be a natural seat of
Co-operation, and
as the society was well conceived, well devised, and had reasonable and
practical ideas of self-expansion, the mystery is not explicable now why
it failed
to be a leading and distinguished association. It bore the winning name of
the "Economical Society," and its rooms were at 7, Rodger's Row,
Jackson's Row, Deansgate, Manchester. Mr. Shelmerdine stated that it was
founded on the 28th of August, 1830, by eight persons who agreed to
form a co-operative trading society and to pay £ 1 each as a share, and
not less than threepence per week. Four of them paid the £1 down, and the
other
four one shilling each as entrance money. With this £4 4s. they bought
sugar, soap, and candles, which they sold to themselves and others. They soon found confidence to add to their stock rice, coffee, and
raisins. At the end of the month they found their profits, they said,
accumulating
fast. They no doubt were astonished to make a profit at all, and thought
much of the little they made. With it, however, they at once bought some
leather, and employed one of their members to make and mend shoes for
them. With new profits they bought stockings, worsted, linen, and flannel,
manufactured by other co-operators. They were poor hitherto, they had seen
nothing before them but poverty and degradation, and they were delighted
at discovering that they could place themselves above the fear of want by
working for themselves and among themselves. So they came to the
unanimous resolution to begin manufacturing stout goods, fast-coloured
ginghams for themselves and other co-operative societies. The Economical
Society by this time numbered thirty-six members; amongst them were
spinners, warpers, weavers, dyers, joiners, hatters, shoemakers,
tin-plateworkers. They had a shop well stocked with provisions, with
woollen cloth manufactured by the co-operators of Huddersfield, linens,
checks,
and calicoes made by the society at Lamberhead Green, stockings from
Leicester, flannel from Rochdale, pins from Warrington. The magnitude of
their
business, which excited so much hope, would be thought very little of now. At their stock-taking in August, 1831—the date was the 28th—they record
that
memorable day (a shorter day in the year would have been sufficient for
their purpose), when their stock was found of the value of £46 12s. The
subscriptions which they had received amounted to only £26 10s. and their
profits to £20 2s. They gave as a reason for purchasing their articles at
co-operative societies, that they "knew they were made of good material
and showed good workmanship, entirely different in character to the light
articles
commonly made for mere sale,
and not for wear and durability." The members met twice a week at their
own meeting-room at the store for discussing their business, and general
conversation, thus avoiding public house diminution of profits, and they
looked forward to the day their numbers and means would enable them to
establish a school for the instruction of their children, and a library
and
reading-room for the improvement of their members. This early store,
therefore, combined all the good features of a co-operative
association—good
articles, good workmanship, mutual employment, the acquirement of
economical and temperate habits and instruction for themselves and
children. They
relate, however, that when they contemplated manufacturing gingham they
saw their error in fixing their shares at £1. Their reason was that they
might
not deter poor
persons from joining them. They did commence manufacturing. Two of their
members having a little money in the savings bank, courageously brought
it to them, and it was agreed that they should have 5 per cent. interest
for it.
The great store in Downing Street, where the Congress met in 1878, has not
the complete co-operative features of this humble store in Manchester of
nearly half a century earlier. At the first Manchester Congress of 1832 it
was reported also that the first Salford co-operators had established a
Co-operative Sunday School, at which 104 male and female adults and
children were taught, and they intended to request Lady Shelley to become
a
patroness.
Mr. George Simpson, of Mottram, who was the general secretary of the
Queenwood Community before mentioned, prepared the rules of the United
Journeymen Hatters of Denton, about 1840, of which he was secretary. From
the first year every member was required to be a shareholder of £5, and he
could pay up the amount by such labour as might
be prescribed by the directors. When profits arose enabling interest to
be paid it was limited to 5 per cent., and the surplus profit might be
applied
by the directors in augmenting the property of the society. It took no
credit, and gave none. It was a well-managed manufacturing society, and
had a useful
career so long as Mr. Simpson was able to remain with it.
In 1860 the Co-operative Printing Society of Manchester was formed. A
hundred shares were taken a few minutes after the decision to form it was
come
to, which shows with what alacrity societies are formed in districts where
there are men who understand them. This society covers a good deal of
ground now, and has a branch at Newcastle-on-Tyne. Mr.
John Hardman was manager of the Manchester society. The first volume of
this History was printed there. There is a Printing Society in London of
some years' standing, which had a secretary who abstracted £2,000 of its
funds, possibly with a
view to test its stability. The proof was satisfactory to the secretary
but not to the society. [240] Mr. Robert Taylor, formerly of the Colchester
store, was
the next manager, and the second volume of this History was printed by
this society. In 1877, when the new Town Hall of Manchester was opened,
400
co-operators from various parts of England, delegates to a quarterly
meeting of the Wholesale Society, were received by the Mayor (Alderman
Abel
Heywood), who addressed them after he had shown them the new Town Hall. He
said that "he became a member of a co-operative society in the year
1828. These societies were then in their infancy, and those at the head of
them did not understand how to
manage them in the way they are managed now. Since 1830 the co-operative
societies which existed in Manchester at that
time, some twenty-four in number, had dwindled away, because the members
did not understand the principles they had espoused. It was very natural
that this should be so, seeing that working men were so jealous of each
other. The seed then sown, however, had taken root in the country, and
they
were there that day as the representatives of an opinion which in its
influence had been growing that length of time. They were the pioneers of
one of the
greatest social movements of the day. They had called the attention of the
whole country to their reports, they had established their own organs, and
had
secured friends amongst every class of society without any exception, and
if with all this support they did not further succeed the fault must
remain with
themselves." The honourable and singular career of the Mayor, the office
he held, the words he spoke, and the changed position of the co-operators
whom
he addressed, made a remarkable morning in Manchester.
A letter by an "Oldham Co-operator" in the Times of August 21, 1875,
states that "in the Oldham Industrial a large number of members'
investments do
not amount to £1 each, yet these are the members who spend the largest
amount of money at the stores, and hence, while they receive little or no
interest, they receive the largest amount of dividend—in some cases £6
or £7 per quarter; while, on the other hand, those members who have the
largest
investments as a rule spend the least money. Therefore, while they receive
at the quarter's end something like £1 for interest, their dividends are
small
compared with the other members."
Failsworth is distinguished for amusing adventures in cow co-operation. But unfortunately when the cow died the society died. Failsworth has also
attempted cattle farming. Of course there are always difficulties in
persons having chiefly factory knowledge, succeeding in field work. Field
and cattle
culture imply special knowledge of outdoor and animal life. It is
difficult, as has been said, for mill hands to turn to farming as it is
for farm hands to turn to
weaving. Unless workmen have previously had some farm experience, they do
not do well at hand work. However, Mr. Joel Whitehead best supplies the
facts of what befell the early co-operators of Failsworth. He informs me
the co-operative feeling is not of a recent date
in that place. He has often heard his father regret that working people
had not the confidence in each other which would enable them to do their
own
business. But there was no protection against fraud. And often has he
heard the rejoinder by persons asked to subscribe to a co-operative
enterprise that
they durst not entrust their little property where it could be stolen with
impunity. |